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Amaia Alvarez Berastegi 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2017,10(3):542-561
This article explores the concept of transitional justice in democratic states dealing with political violence. Although transitional justice was designed for paradigmatic transitions (from war to peace and from dictatorship to democracy), conflicted democracies such as Northern Ireland and the Basque Country could also benefit from this framework which brings a comprehensive human rights approach to the past and promotes the principles of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-repetition. The article compares the transition from conflict in Northern Ireland and the Basque Country. It explores some of the specific features which characterise processes of transitional justice within settled democracies, such as the blurred break with the past, the fragmentation of initiatives aimed at dealing with violence and the mixture of ordinary and transitional justice. As well as contributing to the conceptualisation of the field of transitional justice, the study proposes that the conflict vs. terrorism divide and the clash of narratives associated with it are the key to understanding these types of transitions. 相似文献
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In this paper we investigate to what extent perceptions of economic conditions, policy-oriented evaluations, and blame attribution affected Californians’ involvement in political activities in 2010. We use a statistical methodology that allows us to study not only the behavior of the average citizen, but also the behavior of “types” of citizens with latent predispositions that incline them toward participation or abstention. The 2010 election is an excellent case study, because it was a period when citizens were still suffering the consequences of the 2008 financial crisis and many were concerned about the state’s budgetary crisis. We find that individuals who blamed one of the parties for the problems with the budget process, and who held a position on the 2010 Affordable Care Act, were often considerably more likely to participate. We also find, however, that the impact of economic evaluations, positions on the health care reform, and blame attributions was contingent on citizens’ latent participation propensities and depended on the class of political activity. 相似文献
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Duverneuil C de la Grandmaison GL de Mazancourt P Alvarez JC 《Forensic science international》2004,141(1):17-21
An original liquid chromatography method with photodiode-array detection (DAD) is presented for the determination of strychnine in blood. This sensitive method allows the use of only 0.1 ml of sample. The strychnine was isolated from blood using a liquid-liquid extraction procedure and chloroquine as an internal standard. The limits of detection (LOD) and quantification were 0.06 and 0.5 mg/l, respectively. The recovery was 94% and the coefficients of variation (CV) ranged from 5.9 to 10.8%. A fatal case of strychnine poisoning is presented, with a lethal blood concentration of 25 mg/l. 相似文献
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Race and ethnicity has emerged as one of the most important variables in explaining differences in homicide perpetration and victimization patterns in the U.S. Most research on minorities and homicide has tended to focus exclusively on African‐Americans, while excluding other minority groups such as Native Americans, and Latinos. In this study we examine patterns of homicide among Mexican Americans in Phoenix from 1980 through June 1991. These patterns are compared to those displayed by non‐Latino African Americans, and non‐Latino whites in Phoenix for the same time period. 相似文献
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Guillot E de Mazancourt P Durigon M Alvarez JC 《Forensic science international》2007,166(2-3):139-144
The aim of this study was to evaluate postmortem incorporation of opiates in bone and bone marrow after diacetylmorphine (heroin) administration to mice. Mice were given acute (lethal dose of 300 mg/kg) or chronic (10 and 20 mg/kg/24 h for 20 days) intraperitoneal administration of diacetylmorphine. The two metabolites of diacetylmorphine, 6-acetylmorphine (6-AM) and morphine, were extracted from whole blood, brain, spinal cord, bone marrow and bone (after hydrolysis) using a liquid/liquid method. Quantification was performed by gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC/MS). Results showed that after acute administration, opiates were present in all studied tissues. Morphine concentrations appeared to be higher than those of 6-AM in blood (52.4 microg/mL versus 27.7 microg/mL, n=12), bone marrow (87.8 ng/mg versus 8.9 ng/mg, n=6) and bone (0.85 ng/mg versus 0.43 ng/mg, n=6), but 6-AM concentrations were higher than those of morphine in brain (14.0 ng/mg versus 7.4 ng/mg, n=12) and spinal cord (27.8 ng/mg versus 20.8 ng/mg, n=12). No correlation was found for both compounds between blood concentrations and either brain, spinal cord, bone or bone marrow concentrations while a significant one was found between brain and spinal cord concentrations either for morphine (r=0.89, n=12, p<0.001) or 6-AM (r=0.93, n=12, p<0.001), the concentration being higher in spinal cord than in brain. When bones were stored for 2 months, only 6-AM remained in bone marrow but not in bone. After chronic administration, mice being sacrificed by cervical dislocation 24 h after the last injection, no opiate was detected in any studied tissues. Further studies are required, in particular in human bones, but these results seem to show that 6-AM could be detect in bone marrow several weeks after the death and could be an alternative tissue for forensic toxicologist to detect a fatal diacetylmorphine overdose, even if no correlation between blood and bone marrow was observed. On the other hand, neither bone tissue nor bone marrow will allow the confirmation of a chronic diacetylmorphine use. 相似文献
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Bill Rolston Amaia Alvarez Berastegi 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2016,29(1):33-56
The purpose of this article is to take the admonition of taking the visual seriously into the realms of murals. It will present empirical data on contemporary murals in the Basque Country with a view to examining why murals are important to the abertzale-left, the broad left-wing nationalist movement in the Basque Country which includes but ranges far beyond the armed group ETA. The struggle for Basque autonomy from Spain has its roots in a nationalist awakening in the late twentieth century. It has developed through the struggle with fascism; the prolonged authoritarian, centralist state; and the transition to democracy after the death of Franco. Central to this development has been the definition of Basque identity in terms of culture rather than birth. Language has been key, but there has also been a visual strand to the struggle. The article will examine the state of that visual strand currently by examining murals on a range of themes: language and culture, independence and socialism, armed struggle, political prisoners, torture and repression, martyrs and heroes, women and environmental issues. 相似文献