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Kimerling R Alvarez J Pavao J Mack KP Smith MW Baumrind N 《Journal of interpersonal violence》2009,24(3):450-463
Prior research has demonstrated that intimate partner violence (IPV) is associated with employment instability among poor women. The current study assesses the broader relationship between IPV and women's workforce participation in a population-based sample of 6,698 California women. We examined past-year IPV by analyzing specific effects of physical violence, psychological violence, and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms as predictors of unemployment. Results indicated substantial rates of unemployment among women who reported IPV, with rates of 20% among women who experienced psychological violence, 18% among women who experienced physical violence, and 19% among women with PTSD symptoms. When the relationship was adjusted for demographic characteristics and educational attainment, PTSD (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 1.60; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.22, 2.09) and psychological violence (AOR = 1.78; 95% CI = 1.36, 2.32), but not physical violence, were associated with unemployment. Implications for supported employment programs and workplace responses to IPV are discussed. 相似文献
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Jean-Claude Eslin 《The Political quarterly》2002,73(3):266-272
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Problems of unity can affect an armed opposition group at many stages of its existence—during the war, in peace negotiations, and in its transition to political party. This article assesses how internal divisions affected the performance of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) in El Salvador. It finds that while the FMLN suffered significant internal divisions in the early years of the war, it remained remarkably unified from 1983 on. Significant divisions began to appear during the later war years but were not exacerbated until after the war's conclusion, when repeated fracturing occurred. The FMLN began to present itself as a programmatically coherent party only in 2005, and this ideological homogeneity allowed it to establish a series of partnerships with moderate, non‐revolutionary sectors of Salvadoran society and to achieve victory in the 2009 presidential elections. 相似文献
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Most agree that voting in presidential general elections is largely contingent on the evaluations of the candidates, issues, and parties. Yet inpresidential primary elections the determinants of voter choices are less clear. Partisanship is inconsequential, information about candidate personalities and policy positions is scarce, and a fourth factor, expectations, may influence voters. In this paper, we reconsider the influence ofpolitical issues in presidential primaries. We argue that past work has not adequately considered how issues matter in primary elections. Primaries are intraparty affairs, and the political issues that typically divide the parties are not very relevant in primaries. Instead, we focus on the policy issues each candidate chooses to emphasize in their quest for the nomination, which we call policy priorities. With data gathered about media coverage of the presidential contenders in the 1988 primaries, and using exit poll data from the 1988 Super Tuesday primaries, we show that issues, as policy priorities, do matter in presidential primary elections. This research also implies that primary campaigns matter, since information concerning the policy priorities of the candidates reaches the intended audience.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, IL, April 1992. 相似文献