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This paper, which is based on recent field research, suggests an interpretative model of territorial government in France. Relations between national and local authorities as well as policy- making processes suggest that the centralized state has faced a major decline of its hegemony and that decentralization reforms have induced a polycentric dynamic. Seven basic characteristics and three key properties of the model are discussed. The emerging model fits neither a new localism nor a new centralist pattern. It is the product of ongoing and incremental trade-offs between centrifugal and centripetal rationales. This complexity reflects a situation that is under the rather conservative, as well as tight, control of national politicians who hold multiple local elected mandates.  相似文献   
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The great challenge for policy research is to explain the complex set of interrelations among policy areas that were previously thought to be reasonably discrete and separable, and thereby to provide a better understanding of the environment in which informed policy decisions must be made (Melody 1990a: 16).  相似文献   
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Sommaire: Depuis quelques années, l'intervention de l'État connaît une progression phénoménale sous diverses formes, l'une étant la création de sociétés d'État. Quoiqu'on remette souvent leur existence en question ou encore qu'on les critique, leurs agissements n'en ont pas moins été justifiés à plus d'une occasion. L'auteur, lui-même à la tête d'une des plus importantes sociêtês d'État canadiennes, donne son point de vue sur le rôle économique des sociétés d'État à vocation industrielle et commerciale ainsi que sur leur contribution au développement éonomique du Québec. Il retrace d'abord la raison d'être des sociétés d'État, propose certains éléments du bilan général qu'on pourrait en dresser et formule les limites et les conditions de leur utilisation efficace. Confirmant le rde fondamental des sociétés d'État à vocation industrielle et commerciale, surtout dans le contexte économique québécois, l'auteur précise que celles-ci ont contribuéàélargir la base industrielle du Québec, à l'enrichir d'un savoir-faire important en matière financière, industrielle, commerciale et technique, à développer son potentiel économique et à offrir des occasions de carrière dans la grande entreprise. Il conclut enfin qu'une meilleure performance économique repose sur la concentration et la concertation. Il importe peu, selon lui, que les groupes industriels, financiers et commerciaux soient publics, privés ou mixtes; l'important, c'est qu'il y ait des groupes puissants. Abstract: For some years now, government intervention has increased tremendously in various forms, one of which is the creation of crown corporations. Although we have often criticized crown corporations or questioned their very existence, nevertheless their actions have been justifiable on more than one occasion. The writer, who is himself at the head of one of the largest crown corporations in Canada, expresses his opinion on the economic role played by commercial and industrial oriented crown corporations, and on their contribution to the economic development of Quebec. He goes back over the raison d'être of crown corporations, and puts forward ideas for an eventual general assessment. He also speaks of their limitations, and the conditions necessary for their effective use. While reiterating the essential role of industrial and commercial oriented crown corporations, especially within the economic context of Quebec, the writer highlighted their contribution towards broadening Quebec's industrial base, and enriching the province with their considerable financial, industrial, commercal and technical expertise. They also offer career opportunities with large companies and are active in the development of the province's economic potential. Finally, the writer concludes that improved economic results depend on concentration and concertntion. He considers that it is of little importance whether industrial, financial and commercial groups are public, private or mixed; what counts is how powerful they are.  相似文献   
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检察院对民商事诉讼的干预程度与其提起诉讼或参加诉讼所追求的目标紧密相关。检察院是公共秩序的守护者、弱势群体的保护者,是法律和整体利益的律师,而不是私人当事人的代理人。  相似文献   
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While the AMBER Alert system is intended to facilitate the rescue of abducted children, it has practical and psychological limitations. Participants indicated their emotions and perceptions about Alerts before and after reading a vignette that manipulated details about a child abduction. Results indicate that the Alert system fits some criteria of Crime Control Theater (CCT). CCT polices are emotion-based legal actions that appear to address crime but fail to do so and have unintended consequences. Participants experienced panic about child abduction and believed the system is an effective tool which should be used no matter the unintended consequences. Emotions and panic positively related to perceptions of the system. Still, perceptions were not particularly positive, indicating that some participants recognize the system's limitations. Female and community participants generally had more positive perceptions than males and students, especially when experiencing high emotions or panic. Reading about an abduction reduced emotions overall and led to more positive perceptions (but only in the ‘AMBER Alert success’ condition). Reading about an ‘Alert failure’ did not affect perceptions. Results highlight the role of emotion in shaping perceptions of the system. As with other CCT policies, lawmakers should rely less on community sentiment and more on science when adopting legislation.  相似文献   
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Population frequencies for the eight Y-STR loci included in the "minimal haplotype" from Y-STR Haplotype Reference Database (YHRD) plus other eight Y-STRs (DYS434, DYS435, DYS436, DYS437, DYS438, DYS439, GATA H4 and GATA A10) were obtained for a sample of 133 males from four main geographical areas in the Pyrenees (Spain): Vall D'Aran (Lérida), Cerdanya (Gerona), Alt Urgell (Lérida) and Jacetania (Huesca). Haplotype diversities were estimated in the four populations.  相似文献   
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Jonathan Nagler Department of Politics, New York University, 726 Broadway, Room 752, New York, NY 10003 e-mail: jonathan.nagler{at}nyu.edu An important property of any party system is the set of choicesit presents to the electorate. In this paper we analyze thedistribution of parties relative to voters in the multidimensionalissue space and introduce two measures of the dispersion ofthe parties in the issue space relative to the voters, whichwe call measures of the compactness of the parties in the issuespace. We show how compactness is easily computed using standardsurvey items found on national election surveys. Because westudy the spacing of the parties relative to the distributionof the voters, we produce metric-free measures of compactnessof the party system. The measures can be used to compare partysystems across issues, over time within countries, and acrosscountries. Comparing the compactness of party systems acrosscountries allows us to determine the relative amount of issuechoice afforded voters in different polities. We examine thecompactness of the issue space and test the impact it has onvoter choice in four countries: the United States, the Netherlands,Canada, and Great Britain. We demonstrate that the more compactthe distribution of the parties in the issue space on any givenissue, the less voters weight that issue in their vote decision.Thus we provide evidence supporting theories suggesting thatthe greater the choice offered by the parties in an election,the more likely it is that issue voting will play a major rolein that election.  相似文献   
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