全文获取类型
收费全文 | 23880篇 |
免费 | 521篇 |
国内免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 852篇 |
工人农民 | 1655篇 |
世界政治 | 1228篇 |
外交国际关系 | 799篇 |
法律 | 14807篇 |
中国共产党 | 6篇 |
中国政治 | 153篇 |
政治理论 | 4736篇 |
综合类 | 170篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 220篇 |
2019年 | 268篇 |
2018年 | 1518篇 |
2017年 | 1493篇 |
2016年 | 1337篇 |
2015年 | 345篇 |
2014年 | 311篇 |
2013年 | 1474篇 |
2012年 | 609篇 |
2011年 | 1329篇 |
2010年 | 1321篇 |
2009年 | 936篇 |
2008年 | 1175篇 |
2007年 | 1159篇 |
2006年 | 514篇 |
2005年 | 519篇 |
2004年 | 616篇 |
2003年 | 619篇 |
2002年 | 442篇 |
2001年 | 664篇 |
2000年 | 542篇 |
1999年 | 475篇 |
1998年 | 251篇 |
1997年 | 176篇 |
1996年 | 216篇 |
1995年 | 195篇 |
1994年 | 216篇 |
1993年 | 195篇 |
1992年 | 321篇 |
1991年 | 353篇 |
1990年 | 338篇 |
1989年 | 281篇 |
1988年 | 319篇 |
1987年 | 270篇 |
1986年 | 317篇 |
1985年 | 280篇 |
1984年 | 238篇 |
1983年 | 226篇 |
1982年 | 180篇 |
1981年 | 190篇 |
1980年 | 127篇 |
1979年 | 176篇 |
1978年 | 129篇 |
1977年 | 114篇 |
1976年 | 96篇 |
1975年 | 123篇 |
1974年 | 132篇 |
1973年 | 103篇 |
1972年 | 100篇 |
1969年 | 98篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
981.
Benjamin K. Sovacool 《Policy Sciences》2007,40(2):101-122
The American electric utility industry is entering a moment of transition. Once viewed as a stable and secure consortium of
publicly regulated monopolies that produce and distribute electricity, the industry has weathered market restructuring only
to face the ever-present risk of natural disasters, price fluctuations, terrorist attacks, and blackouts. This paper uses
five criteria—technical feasibility, cost, negative externalities, reliability, and security—to evaluate the broad portfolio
of energy technologies available to American electricity policymakers. Upon close inspection, energy efficiency practices,
renewable energy systems, and small-scale distributed generation technologies appear to offer many advantages over large and
centralized nuclear and fossil fueled generators. Contrary to the mimetic commentary produced by the media, these three approaches
would present policymakers a superior alternative for curbing electricity demand, minimizing the risk of fuel interruptions
and shortages, helping improve the fragile transmission network, and reducing environmental harm 相似文献
982.
Alan S. Zuckerman 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2007,48(4):633-649
The Social Logic of Politics places social learning at the center of political choice. People develop their political preferences,
knowledge, values, perceptions of ability, and decisions about political behavior in interactions with others, usually members
of their social circles. Political attitudes and goals are not derivatives of exogenous economic preferences. They are not
the results of careful calculations, in which optimization of personal needs guides the mode of reasoning. This theoretical
stance draws sustenance from recent work across the social science, even as it harkens back to established, if neglected principles
of political analysis.
My thanks to Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck for his encouragement and for the critical comments of several anonymous referees and to
Josip Dasović and Jennifer Fitzgerald, my co-authors of Partisan Families: the Social Logic of Bounded Partisanship in Germany
and Britain (Zuckerman et al. 2007). Material from that book appears in this essay. 相似文献
983.
984.
985.
The bigger the better? Evidence of the effect of government size on life satisfaction around the world 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This paper empirically analyzes whether government size is conducive or detrimental to life satisfaction in a cross-section of 74 countries. We thus provide a test of the longstanding dispute between standard neoclassical economic theory and public choice theory. According to the neoclassical view, governments play unambiguously positive roles for individuals' quality of life, while the theory of public choice has been developed to understand why governments often choose excessive involvement in – and regulation of – the economy, thereby harming their citizens' quality of life. Our results show that life satisfaction decreases with higher government consumption. For low, middle income, and male people, this result is stronger when the government is leftwing, while government consumption appears to be less harmful for women when the government is perceived to be effective. Government capital formation and social spending have no significant impact on life satisfaction. 相似文献
986.
Where does history education fit into transitional justice andhow can it contribute to the goals of transitional justice?The contemporary understanding of transitional justice has broadenedto encompass more than just prosecutions, reparations, preventingimpunity, and building rule of law. Transitional justice goalsnow extend to truth telling, restoring the dignity and preservingthe memory of victims, building peace, creating respect forhuman rights and democracy, and to reconciliation. Tools forachieving these goals now include truth commissions and commemorations.But this list has not until now included how the historicalnarrative of the group(s) involved in conflict must change asa part of transition; and education, while often invoked whenthe topic of never again is raised, has been largelyabsent from the transitional justice discourse. Neither thelarger education system nor the teaching of history both what is taught and how has been considered by theinstitutions transitional justice has aimed to reform. Thisarticle considers why history education matters, what conditionscomplicate its reform and what recommendations can begin tobe offered with regard to the relationship between history educationand transitional justice. 相似文献
987.
This issue of Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice, isdevoted principally to the use of force, a topic that has dominatedacademic debate and preoccupied practitioners. For academics,the question is: what distinguishes police officers and theorganisations in which they operate from others, particularlythose growing legions of private security operatives, un-swornpolice auxiliaries, and sundry officials with law enforcementpowers? The orthodox answer is that the police enjoy a monopolyof legitimate force over their fellow citizens (a viewthat has its origins in the pioneering work of Bittner, 1970).That orthodoxy has increasingly been criticised in the faceof the obvious fact that bouncers, store detectives, securityguards of all kinds, and many others also exercise legitimateforce in ejecting drunken customers from pubs and clubs,apprehending shoplifters, and defending 相似文献
988.
989.
Harold J. Bershady 《Society》2007,44(5):70-76
Detective stories take place mainly in two settings, constantly changing, many faceted big cities filled with strangers, and
stable, fairly homogeneous, innocent small towns whose members know one another. The differences in each clarify the qualities
of the other. In solving the mystery of the small town, the detective provides moral instruction and restores the town’s innocence.
In solving the mystery in the big city the detective reveals the city as part of the mystery and provides the reader with
temporary orientation to the city. Mysteries have grown with the growth of the cities and now appear in every country of the
world.
Harold J. Bershady is an emeritus Professor of Sociology at the University of Pennsylvania. His most recent book, edited with
Renée Fox and Victor Lidz, is After Parson: A Theory of Action for the 21st Century, published by Russell Sage Press, 2005. 相似文献
990.
Paul A. Djupe Anand E. Sokhey Christopher P. Gilbert 《American journal of political science》2007,51(4):906-920
We investigate the sources of an important form of social inequality: the social processes by which men and women acquire participatory resources in organizations. In particular, we investigate the extent to which men and women acquire civic skills and are targets for political recruitment within churches. Integrating theory about social interaction within an organizational structure, we hypothesize that the ways in which women gain politically relevant resources from the church are simply different from those of men. Three factors explain the institutional treatment of women in churches: (1) women's political contributions are devalued; (2) women respond to social cues more than men do; (3) women respond to political cues from clergy—especially female clergy—whereas men do not. Our findings of gender differences in civic resource acquisition provide a more nuanced treatment of the mobilization process and have broad implications for the relationship between political difference and participatory democracy . 相似文献