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As part of a much larger investigation into the use of macromorphoscopic trait data by forensic anthropologists to estimate ancestry from unidentified skeletal remains, we conducted a fourteen‐year (2002–2016) intraobserver error study. Motivated by the development of a large macromorphoscopic database―which will potentially utilize data collected in 2002―quantification of observer error, the impact of technological improvements in macromorphoscopic trait data collection and observer experience is necessary. To maximize comparisons between the two samples, ten macromorphoscopic traits were assessed. Results revealed three patterns of error relating to observer experience, the introduction of new technologies, and error inherent in the method. Overall, this study found the effect of error on macromorphoscopic trait analysis could be predicted and did not significantly impact their utility.  相似文献   
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A media storm is a sudden surge in news coverage of an item, producing high attention for a sustained period. Our study represents the first multi-issue, quantitative analysis of storm behavior. We build a theory of the mechanisms that drive media storms and why the “anatomy” of media storms differs from that of non-storm coverage. Specifically, media storm coverage should change less explosively over time, but be more sharply skewed across issues, compared to non-storm coverage. We offer a new method of operationalizing media storms and apply our operationalization to U.S. and Belgian news. Even in these two very different cases, we find a common empirical storm anatomy with properties that differ from those of non-storm coverage in the predicted fashion. We illustrate the effects of media storms on the public through discussion of four key examples, showing that online search behavior responds strongly to media storms.  相似文献   
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Incumbents tend to win with higher margins in less ideologically constrained districts. I argue that incumbents are advantaged by this electoral landscape in part because they work harder to cultivate a personal vote. Utilizing data on earmarks, I find that despite winning with a larger margin of victory, these incumbents act much like their colleagues who narrowly escaped electoral defeat. By more accurately measuring perceptions of electoral vulnerability, we also see stronger evidence linking district marginality to distributive politics. Such incentives appear to stem not from the risks of position taking, but from the weaker party attachments among constituents.  相似文献   
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Modern man appears to have an insatiable thirst for learning about the private lives of others, and the media is happy to indulge him, constantly informing, updating, educating and entertaining via newspapers, periodicals, radio, television and the Internet. This can pit two competing rights against each other – the right of the individual to personal privacy and the right of the media to freedom of expression. One of the most hotly contested battle grounds in this ongoing war is over the publication of photographs in our celebrity obsessed society. As the battle rages, the nascent law of privacy in the UK is constantly evolving. This paper aims to give an overview of the evolution of the law of privacy in the UK focussing on the way in which these two rights to privacy and freedom of expression compete against each other in the context of photographs.  相似文献   
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When approached about working with colleagues to develop a new course revolving around the inner-workings of a political campaign, one thing was obvious to me: We had to give the course the unique element of making it as closely mimic real-world campaign activities as possible. If we were going to attempt to actually prepare students for work on a political campaign, they would have to participate in activities focusing on the practical application of theoretical information. As such, I designed a section of this course where students were matched with a partner and given the task of running a mock political campaign. Students were presented with a series of activities to complete in their role as campaign managers. This article outlines the way the course was set up, explains the activities used in the course, discusses the success of the course based on observation and survey data, and suggests improvements for the future.  相似文献   
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Prior work finds that voters punish candidates for sponsoring attack ads. What remains unknown is the extent to which a negative ad is more effective if it is sponsored by a party or an independent group instead. We conducted three experiments in which we randomly assigned participants to view a negative ad that was identical except for its sponsor. We find that candidates can benefit from having a party or group “do their dirty work,” but particularly if a group does, and that the most likely explanation for why this is the case is that many voters simply do not connect candidates to the ads sponsored by parties and groups. We also find that in some circumstances, a group‐sponsored attack ad produces less polarization than one sponsored by a party. We conclude by discussing the implications our research has for current debates about the proper role of independent groups in electoral politics.  相似文献   
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