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981.
Shirzad Azad 《East Asia》2017,34(4):287-305
With his frequent travels to the Middle East, more than all other Japanese leaders in the past, Shinzo Abe had been destined to ineluctably play a distinctive role in redefining his country’s foreign policy approach toward the region. Essentially, when Abe returned to power for a second time in late 2012, he succeeded to subsequently establish a relatively stable and long-term government which strived to critically reappraise some highly contentious elements of Japan’s internal and external policies. Reassessing Japan’s conventional low-profile orientation to the Middle East was particularly a major objective of the Abe government because the region had turned out to be closely and dubiously connected to some pivotal political and security reforms which Abe had long pursued to achieve domestically. By primarily doubling down Japan’s political engagement in different parts of the Middle East, therefore, Abe took advantage of what his country had capitalized in the region in more recent times to especially accelerate the accomplishment of some other political and security he favored ardently. 相似文献
982.
Uwe Jun 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2000,41(2):347-353
Ohne Zusammenfassung
Rezension zu: Peter Mair, Wolfgang C. Müller und Fritz Plasser (Hg.): Parteien auf komplexen W?hlerm?rkten. Reaktionsstrategien politischer Parteien in Westeuropa. Wien: Signum 1999, 403
S., DM 88,-. 相似文献
983.
Abstract. This paper posits that countries with a constitutional right to social security that can be enforced by courts via judicial review will show patterns of spending on social security that are distinct from countries with other constitutional and judicial arrangements. Governments in countries with enforceable rights will be constrained to spend more on transfer programs to avoid censure from the courts. The hypotheses are tested using data from 22 OECD countries using time–series cross–section analysis. The results show that enforceable rights are associated with higher growth rates in social security spending and lower fluctuation in expenditures on social programs, although the amount of GDP spent on social transfers is unaffected by rights. These results are consistent with the idea that governments' spending habits are constrained by positive rights, but rebut the argument that rights lead to economic distortions. 相似文献
984.
985.
986.
Ronald D. Brunner 《Policy Sciences》2010,43(4):301-341
This article expands research on adaptive governance in natural resource and climate change policy into other policy areas
and the larger context of reform. The purpose is to clarify adaptive governance as a reform strategy, one that builds on experience
in a variety of emergent responses to the growing failures of scientific management, the established pattern of governance.
Emergent responses in information technology, national security, development aid, and health care policy are reviewed here.
In these cases, factoring a large national or international problem into many smaller problems, each more tractable scientifically
and politically, opened additional opportunities for advancing common interests on the ground. The opportunities include simplification
of research through intensive inquiry, participation in policy decisions by otherwise neglected groups, and selecting what
works on the basis of practical experience rather than theory. What works can be improved incrementally in the context at
hand, diffused through networks for voluntary adaptation elsewhere, and used to inform higher-level decisions from the bottom
up. Adaptive governance is a promising strategy of reform. The open question is whether it will be used well enough to sustain
a once-progressive evolution toward fuller realization of human dignity for all. 相似文献
987.
This article examines the relationship between foreign direct investment and host countries’ contracting institutions, the
rule systems which govern commercial transactions between private actors. Given their liability of foreignness and costly
exit options, we suggest that multinational corporations have incentives to influence the formal contracting environment in
host countries. Further, host governments are more likely to respond to multinationals’ wishes when they are more dependent
on foreign capital markets. We draw on the World Bank’s Lex Mundi dataset (Djankov et al. 2003) on micro-level contracting environment for private actors. Our analysis of a cross section of 98 developing countries suggests
that FDI is associated with lower contract enforcement costs, particularly when the host country is more indebted. 相似文献
988.
989.
990.
Spencer Piston 《Political Behavior》2010,32(4):431-451
Some commentators claim that white Americans put prejudice behind them when evaluating presidential candidates in 2008. Previous
research examining whether white racism hurts black candidates has yielded mixed results. Fortunately, the presidential candidacy
of Barack Obama provides an opportunity to examine more rigorously whether prejudice disadvantages black candidates. I also
make use of an innovation in the measurement of racial stereotypes in the 2008 American National Election Studies survey,
which yields higher levels of reporting of racial stereotypes among white respondents. I find that negative stereotypes about
blacks significantly eroded white support for Barack Obama. Further, racial stereotypes do not predict support for previous
Democratic presidential candidates or current prominent Democrats, indicating that white voters punished Obama for his race
rather than his party affiliation. Finally, prejudice had a particularly large impact on the voting decisions of Independents
and a substantial impact on Democrats but very little influence on Republicans. 相似文献