首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1789篇
  免费   29篇
各国政治   63篇
工人农民   164篇
世界政治   66篇
外交国际关系   50篇
法律   1287篇
中国共产党   1篇
中国政治   10篇
政治理论   173篇
综合类   4篇
  2023年   6篇
  2022年   4篇
  2021年   14篇
  2020年   18篇
  2019年   21篇
  2018年   102篇
  2017年   39篇
  2016年   116篇
  2015年   30篇
  2014年   21篇
  2013年   58篇
  2012年   142篇
  2011年   95篇
  2010年   15篇
  2009年   32篇
  2008年   18篇
  2007年   24篇
  2006年   27篇
  2005年   406篇
  2004年   109篇
  2003年   31篇
  2002年   22篇
  2001年   19篇
  1999年   14篇
  1996年   5篇
  1992年   24篇
  1991年   23篇
  1990年   29篇
  1989年   39篇
  1988年   28篇
  1987年   27篇
  1986年   30篇
  1985年   20篇
  1984年   14篇
  1983年   15篇
  1980年   3篇
  1979年   10篇
  1978年   10篇
  1977年   5篇
  1975年   14篇
  1974年   24篇
  1973年   14篇
  1972年   16篇
  1971年   19篇
  1970年   13篇
  1969年   7篇
  1968年   11篇
  1967年   10篇
  1966年   5篇
  1965年   5篇
排序方式: 共有1818条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
41.
The ‘reflexive turn’ transcended disciplinary boundaries within the social sciences. Feminist scholars in particular have taken up its core concerns, establishing a wide-ranging literature on reflexivity in feminist theory and practice. In this paper, I contribute to this scholarship by deconstructing the ‘story’ of my own research as a white, genderqueer, masculine-presenting researcher in Ghana. This deconstruction is based on thirteen months of field research exploring LGBT activism in the capital city of Accra. Using a series of ethnographic vignettes, I examine questions of queer subjectivity, embodiment and self/Other dynamics in the research encounter. Specifically, I interrogate what a reflexive concern for power relations means when researchers share moments of commonality and difference with research participants, here in relation to axes of gender, sexuality, race and class. Finally, I explore the challenge of theorising resistance in light of feminist postcolonial critiques of the politics of representation. I conclude that it is only by locating these tensions and dissonances in the foreground of our inquiries that reflexivity becomes meaningful as a way of rendering knowledge production more accountable and transparent, of practising feminist solidarity, and of excavating our own queer research journeys.  相似文献   
42.
Since the Moroccan invasion in 1975, official reports on visits to Sahrawi refugee camps by international aid agencies and faith-based groups consistently reflect an overwhelming impression of gender equality in Sahrawi society. As a result, the space of the Sahrawi refugee camps in Algeria and, by external association, Sahrawi society and Western Sahara as a nation-in-exile is constructed as ‘ideal’ (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2010, p. 67). I suggest that the ‘feminist nationalism’ of the Sahrawi nation-in-exile is one that is employed strategically by internal representatives of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Río de Oro (POLISARIO), the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and the National Union of Sahrawi Women (NUSW), and by external actors from international aid agencies and also the colonial Moroccan state. The international attention paid to the active role of certain women in Sahrawi refugee camps makes ‘Other’ Sahrawi invisible, such as children, young women, mothers, men, people of lower socio-economic statuses, (‘liberated’) slave classes and refugees who are not of Sahrawi background. According to Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh (ibid.), it also creates a discourse of ‘good’, ‘ideal’ refugees who are reluctant to complain, in contrast to ‘Other refugees’. This feminisation allows the international community not to take the Sahrawi call for independence seriously and reproduces the myth of Sahrawi refugees as naturally non-violent (read feminine) and therefore ‘ideal’. The myth of non-violence accompanied by claims of Sahrawi secularity is also used to distance Western Sahara from ‘African’, ‘Arab’ and ‘Islamic’, to reaffirm racialised and gendered discourses that associate Islam with terrorism and situate both in the Arab/Muslim East. These binaries make invisible the violence that Sahrawis experience as a result of the gendered constructions of both internal and external actors, and silence voices of dissent and frustration with the more than forty years of waiting to return home.  相似文献   
43.
Postmortem stability of DNA   总被引:11,自引:0,他引:11  
High-molecular-weight DNA was recovered postmortem in sufficient quantities from various human organ tissues as well as from blood, although not all organs were equally well suitable. Good DNA stability was found in brain cortex, lymph nodes and psoas muscle over a period of three weeks postmortem. Spleen and kidney showed good DNA stability up to five days postmortem but after longer periods, rapid degradation was observed. Yields of DNA from blood were not consistent because of the non homogeneity of samples. Blood clots were rich with DNA. Generally, the amount of degraded DNA correlated directly with the duration of the postmortem period. However in some cases, DNA degradation was already prominent after a short period. However in some cases, DNA degradation was already prominent after a short period. Case histories showed that high environmental temperature at the site of death and/or infectious diseases prior to death were the main factors for rapid autolysis. Gradual disappearance to complete loss of the long fragments (15-23 kb) was observed in DNA fingerprinting using the minisatellite probe 33.15. No extra-bands were noted, thus excluding erroneous conclusions. However, evidentiary value of older samples was lower.  相似文献   
44.
Headspace gas chromatography was used to determine the concentration of ethanol and methanol in blood samples from 519 individuals suspected of drinking and driving in Sweden where the legal alcohol limit is 0.50 mg/g in whole blood (11 mmol/l). The concentration of ethanol in blood ranged from 0.01 to 3.52 mg/g with a mean of 1.83 +/- 0.82 mg/g (+/- S.D.). The frequency distribution was symmetrical about the mean but deviated from normality. A plot of the same data on normal probability paper indicated that it might be composed of two subpopulations (bimodal). The concentration of methanol in the same blood specimens ranged from 1 to 23 mg/l with a mean of 7.3 +/- 3.6 mg/l (+/- S.D.) and this distribution was markedly skew (+). The concentration of ethanol (x) and methanol (y) were positively correlated (r = 0.47, P less than 0.001) and implies that 22% (r2) of the variance in blood-methanol can be attributed to its linear regression on blood-ethanol. The regression equation was y = 3.6 + 2.1 x and the standard error estimate was 0.32 mg/l. This large scatter precludes making reliable estimates of blood-methanol concentration from measurements of blood-ethanol concentration and the regression equation. But higher blood-methanol concentrations are definitely associated with higher blood-ethanol in this sample of Swedish drinking drivers. Frequent exposure to methanol and its toxic products of metabolism, formaldehyde and formic acid, might constitute an additional health risk associated with heavy drinking in predisposed individuals. The determination of methanol in blood of drinking drivers in addition to ethanol could indicate long-standing ethanol intoxication and therefore potential problem drinkers or alcoholics.  相似文献   
45.
Five years on from the Tunisian revolution, Tunisia stands as the sole success story of the Arab Spring. The country since then has managed to adopt a pluralist and democratic constitution, and held three free and fair elections. Accordingly, in the eyes of several observers, Tunisia is now in the process of consolidating its new democracy. However, the reality on the ground seems much gloomier, as most recent opinion surveys suggest that there is a significant degree of dissatisfaction, not only with political parties and Parliament but also with the very institution of democracy. Nevertheless, what accounts for this change? After the collapse of the long-lasting and oppressive Ben Ali regime, how, just in five years, has Tunisians’ confidence in the democratic process changed? This article accounts for this state of affairs from a party politics view, arguing that political parties, which are the main protagonists of the consolidation process, fail to fulfill their role of acquiring legitimacy for the new regime. While party–state relations seem to be stabilized due to the inclusiveness of the constitution-making process, both inter-party relationships and the relationship between parties and society suffer from numerous flaws which, in turn, hamper the democratic consolidation process.  相似文献   
46.
ABSTRACT

This paper evaluates global capital’s ecological management and extends the assessment to the “green economy,” as developed in the first “green” neoliberal project, in Costa Rica. Costa Rica has been an important “laboratory” for experimentation in environmental governance mechanisms using debt-for-nature financial exchanges and other instruments of the Kyoto Protocol. I explore how “greening” can be understood as a new phase of capital accumulation, as I go into its five main aspects.  相似文献   
47.
48.
49.
50.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号