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In this paper, we develop a theoretical framework to analyse the communicative imperatives authoritarian regimes face as a consequence of their self-inflicted opacities. The most important facts about the actors and factors that sustain authoritarian rule are unobservable. To demonstrate their power, authoritarian rulers have to render them visible. They have to dramatize their power and present on the front stage what they want people to know about the backstage of authoritarian politics. We conceptualize the communicative strategies of authoritarian rulers with a focus on the primary existential threats they face: the lateral threats that emanate from within the authoritarian elite. We illustrate dictators’ communicative repertoire with empirical material from communist Cuba from 2006 to 2011, during the critical juncture of leadership transition from Fidel Castro to his brother Raúl. 相似文献
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Angelo Zappalà Jan Antfolk Beate Dombert Andreas Mokros Pekka Santtila 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2016,27(2):281-307
To investigate the dual-target rapid serial visual presentation (dtRSVP) task as a measure of deviant sexual interest (i.e. a sexual interest in children), we administered a dtRSVP with gender- and age-specific pictorial stimuli to child sex offenders (n = 69), other sex offenders (n = 43), non-sex offenders (n = 14), and community controls (n = 88). We hypothesized that (1) stimuli belonging to the preferred gender and age group presented as targets (both T1 and the subsequent T2) in the serial sequence would be more accurately detected than non-preferred stimuli and that (2) this increased detection would reduce the detection of targets later in the serial sequence (T2) due to an attentional blink. Our findings supported hypothesis 1 and partly supported hypothesis 2. Although we found group differences, individual indices based on detection rates did not allow for individual-level diagnostic categorization of participants. 相似文献
75.
Andreas Ladner 《Swiss Political Science Review》2001,7(3):1-23
In den 1990er Jahren ist die Schweizer Gemeindelandschaft in Bewegung geraten. Seither werden zentrale Elemente der kommunalen politischen Systeme den veränderten Voraussetzungen angepasst. New Public Management, verstärkte interkommunale Zusammenarbeit und Gemeindefusionen erscheinen immer häufiger auf der politischen Agenda. Neben einem Überblick zur Verbreitung der verschiedenen Reformbestrebungen sucht dieser Aufsatz nach deren Strategien, Gemeinsamkeiten und Auslösern. Die meisten Reformprojekte können nur indirekt mit der Verschlechterung der wirtschaftlichen Lage in Zusammenhang gebrachg werden. Im Mittelpunkt steht die Neuordnung der Zuständigkeiten für die verschiedenen öffentlichen Aufgaben. Eine zentrale Rolle kommt dabei der politischen Steureung zu. Hier weist die Reformdiskussion allerdings Defizite auf. 相似文献
76.
Andreas Ladner 《Swiss Political Science Review》2010,16(3):533-564
This article examines the determinants of positional incongruence between pre‐election statements and post‐election behaviour in the Swiss parliament between 2003 and 2009. The question is examined at the individual MP level, which is appropriate for dispersion‐of‐powers systems like Switzerland. While the overall rate of political congruence reaches about 85%, a multilevel logit analysis detects the underlying factors which push or curb a candidate's propensity to change his or her mind once elected. The results show that positional changes are more likely when (1) MPs are freshmen, (2) individual voting behaviour is invisible to the public, (3) the electoral district magnitude is not small, (4) the vote is not about a party's core issue, (5) the MP belongs to a party which is located in the political centre, and (6) if the pre‐election statement dissents from the majority position of the legislative party group. Of these factors, the last one is paramount. 相似文献
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Andreas Cebulla 《Public administration》2001,79(2):457-468
Government proposals to reform the funding of support services in Britain require local authorities to take stock of support schemes in their areas before a new single support budget will replace existing arrangements in April 2003. In the course of the transition, local authorities will also need to scrutinize supported accommodation charges in order to remove charges for services that are unlawfully paid for by Housing Benefit. This paper highlights likely problems in the identification of support schemes and in the estimation of the costs of services. The proposed tightening of the calculation of Housing Benefit will reduce entitlements to the majority of claimants in supported accommodation, many of whom are amongst the poorest people in the country. Efforts must be made to ensure that claimants facing a reduction in their payments are not faced by steady, or even rising, housing costs. In particular, tenants in schemes, which receive no funding under the new single budget, must be protected. The paper discusses the proposals' contribution to bringing housing and community care policies closer together. 相似文献
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