全文获取类型
收费全文 | 520篇 |
免费 | 12篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 57篇 |
工人农民 | 5篇 |
世界政治 | 31篇 |
外交国际关系 | 25篇 |
法律 | 268篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 144篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 9篇 |
2019年 | 13篇 |
2018年 | 16篇 |
2017年 | 23篇 |
2016年 | 23篇 |
2015年 | 17篇 |
2014年 | 17篇 |
2013年 | 55篇 |
2012年 | 23篇 |
2011年 | 33篇 |
2010年 | 37篇 |
2009年 | 42篇 |
2008年 | 36篇 |
2007年 | 41篇 |
2006年 | 20篇 |
2005年 | 21篇 |
2004年 | 24篇 |
2003年 | 13篇 |
2002年 | 6篇 |
2001年 | 14篇 |
2000年 | 10篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有532条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
171.
172.
Costas Panagopoulos 《Political Behavior》2008,30(4):455-467
Compulsory voting laws have consistently been demonstrated to boost electoral participation. Despite the widespread presence
of compulsory voting and the significant impact these laws appear to have on voting behavior, surprisingly little effort has
been devoted to analyzing how mandatory voting alters the decision-making calculus of individual voters in these systems.
Moreover, studies that investigate the influence of compulsory voting laws on electoral participation generally treat these
policies monolithically, with scant attention to the nuances that differentiate mandatory voting laws across systems and to
their consequences for voting rates. Analyses that explicitly and empirically examine the effects of penalties and enforcement
are surprisingly rare. This study aims to fill that void by adapting rational choice models of participation in elections
for compulsory voting systems. I find that the level of penalties countries impose for non-compliance and the degree of penalty
enforcement impact turnout rates. Voters in mandatory voting systems abstain least when both the penalties and the likelihood
of enforcement are high, and abstain most when both meaningless.
相似文献
Costas PanagopoulosEmail: |
173.
174.
Andreas Önnerfors 《Patterns of Prejudice》2017,51(2):159-175
In the aftermath of the Norwegian terror attacks of 22 July 2011, the question of agency with regard to the convicted perpetrator, Anders Behring Breivik, has frequently been discussed. Did he really act on his own? Were his actions self-directed? Was he, as a typical ‘lone wolf’, inspired by the prevalent far-right concept of ‘leaderless resistance’ or, simply, a blind tool, a string puppet pushed and pulled by dark forces, as some commentators have claimed? His cut-and-paste manifesto points to inspiration from ideas circulating in the European Counter Jihad Movement (ECJM), in itself a contradictory mix of ideological positions. A number of these ideas were given new life when the so-called ‘populist right-wing movement of indignation’, the Patriotische Europäer Gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes (PEGIDA) took to the streets of Dresden in the autumn of 2014. The driving force behind PEGIDA, Lutz Bachmann, with a past as petty criminal and doorman, is an unlikely front man for one of the most successful political initiatives in post-unification Germany. Comparing Breivik and PEGIDA, Önnerfors argues that the ECJM is part of the ‘third generation’ of right-wing discourse that is without a consistent world view, dominant leaders and prolific ideologues. Instead, in a new atmosphere of ‘politics of passion’ and ‘post-politics’, fuzzy ECJM ideology turns into a screen upon which diffuse uneasiness with current political affairs can be projected and channelled. Outside the scope of Önnerfors's article but worth noting is the considerable impact these developments have had on electoral support for right-wing populist parties such as the Front National in France, the Alternative für Deutschland in Germany and the Sverigedemokraterna in Sweden. 相似文献
175.
In the literature on political economy and public choice, it is typically assumed that government size correlates positively with public corruption. The empirical literature, however, is inconclusive, owing to both measurement problems and endogeneity. This paper creates a corruption index based on original data from a survey covering top politicians and civil servants in all Swedish municipalities. The effect of more politicians on corruption problems is analyzed using discontinuities in the required minimum size of local councils. Despite the fact that Sweden consistently has been ranked among the least corrupt countries in the world, the survey suggest that non-trivial corruption problems are present in Sweden. Municipalities with more local council seats have more reported corruption problems, and the regression discontinuity design suggests that the effect is causal. 相似文献
176.
Tiffany C. Davenport Alan S. Gerber Donald P. Green Christopher W. Larimer Christopher B. Mann Costas Panagopoulos 《Political Behavior》2010,32(3):423-430
Recent field experiments have demonstrated the powerful effect of social pressure messages on voter turnout. This research
note considers the question of whether these interventions’ effects persist over a series of subsequent elections. Tracking
more than one million voters from six experimental studies, we find strong and statistically significant enduring effects
one and sometimes two years after the initial communication. 相似文献
177.
178.
Bei der Auslegung von Vertr?gen ist grunds?tzlich nur auf die Umst?nde im Zeitpunkt der Vertragserkl?rung abzustellen, sodass
zukünftige ?nderungen der Verkehrsauffassung oder auch der Rechtslage im Allgemeinen nicht in die Erhaltungspflicht einflie?en.
Der Vermieter ist im Allgemeinen nicht zur laufenden Anpassung bzw Modernisierung des Bestandobjekts verpflichtet, sofern
nicht gesetzliche oder vertragliche Mindeststandards unterschritten werden. 相似文献
179.
Andreas Heinrich 《欧亚研究》2008,60(9):1539-1574
This article examines the effect of increased state control over the Russian gas sector and its ultimate impact on energy security in Europe. The various mechanisms by which the state has acquired ownership (or quasi-ownership) over several independent gas producers as well as the potential dangers this poses for European energy supplies are scrutinised. Due to the demonstrated inefficiency of Russian state-controlled companies, negative consequences, such as slowed production growth, are likely to result. The few remaining independent gas producers are still hampered in their development due to the government's reluctance to implement structural reforms in the Russian gas sector. 相似文献
180.