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Andrei P. Tsygankov 《Communist and Post》2007,40(4):423-439
Scholarly interest has recently shifted from issues of democratic transition to those of state formation and state viability. The paper reviews scholarly contributions to understanding state weakness and suggests criteria and indicators to capture stateness in the former Soviet region. It suggests a preliminary ranking of the post-Soviet states along dimensions of national order, economic efficiency and political viability. The paper hypothesizes a causal mechanism through which state development in the region may occur by incorporating both structural and policy-related factors. It concludes that most states in the region can only be characterized as weak, and their urge to become modern is therefore yet to materialize. 相似文献
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The sports that billions follow in the world were largely creations of the “first globalization” under the aegis of 19th century
Britain and — to a lesser extent — the United States and Canada. While their cultural dominance in their spaces of hegemonic
existence have not abated, the current process of what has been termed the “second globalization” in the paper creates new
realities that challenge the dominance of these established sports. Global stars are major agents in this re-structuration
who, by dint of their amazing achievements on the global playing fields and courts, and sports’ inherently meritocratic nature
tied to the salience of winning, foster a climate of cosmopolitanism. 相似文献
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Based mostly on extensive interviews with diplomats and human rights activists, this article questions the claim advanced
by the German philosopher Jürgen Habermas that current transatlantic relations can be described in terms of a “Divided West.”
We examine the scope and depth of shared understandings between key actors in the United States, Germany, and Canada with
regard to the definition, monitoring, and implementation of international human rights and to the reform of human rights-related
mechanisms within the broader context of current UN reforms. While we do find differences between US, German, and Canadian
perspectives, we argue that the meaning attributed to these differences by diplomats and nongovernmental organizations does not justify the polarizing discourse
of the Divided West. In addition, we argue that this discourse tends to obfuscate other important trends in the human rights
world such as the growing assertiveness of non-Western powers. 相似文献
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