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911.
The election of a 'New Labour' UK government in 1997 promised a new era of central-local relations facilitated by a programme of local government reform which recognised local government's 'community leadership' role. Other aspects of the agenda supported the development of multi-level governance, for example, the establishment of sub-national institutions such as the Scottish Parliament and the promotion of neighbourhoods as key sites for action. Despite these actions this paper will argue that in England the central state retains considerable influence over the key agents of local governance. Using the example of public participation policy, and drawing on the findings of a recent study in two English cities, the paper will explore how national policy aspirations were reflected locally. It concludes that while local action generally complemented national priorities, there were important points of contrast, and that localities' capacity to act in their own interests is supported by the opportunities presented in a multi-level governance environment.  相似文献   
912.

When Labour took power in 1997, local government was battered and bruised, but it had survived, and indeed retained much of its vitality. What would happen next? Where the Conservatives had used the language of competition, New Labour promoted its policies around an ideology of modernisation, and rapidly introduced a new legal framework, new powers and strong incentives to improve performance. But by 2004, in the run-up to another general election, Labour increasingly emphasised the rights of consumers to choose providers of services, and the value of involving the private sector in public sector provision. There were proposals to take the finance for education and social services out of local authority control. A complex geography of partnerships and networks had developed, which required small executives of salaried councillors, far fewer than the large numbers needed by the committee system. But turnout in local elections remained low, and membership of both Labour and Conservative parties declined. The paper uses a simple stakeholder analysis to show how councillors and local activists were marginalised. It suggests that the government has a choice: it could either accept that the era of multi-skilled councillors responsible for the multi-purpose local authorities is ending, or it could radically rationalise the present quangos, partnerships and other governance structures to re-create it.  相似文献   
913.
914.
Terrorism is best understood as a form of warfare. Considerable division exists among researchers on the issue of defining terrorism. A minority propose that terrorism is a form of warfare, possibly identical to guerrilla warfare. However, the majority disagree with this position, instead viewing terrorism as a distinct and separate phenomenon. This divergence has been fuelled by the distinctive questions of morality which cloak any consideration of terrorism. The impact of this special morality dimension to the problem is examined, with the focus being directed to biases arising from the moral standpoint which has been adopted by most. It is argued that many of the so‐called distinctions between terrorism and warfare are illusionary. The article concludes that while there are solutions to the current conceptual deadlock these are unlikely to be realised in the near future.  相似文献   
915.
ABSTRACT

The central argument of this paper is that suicide has had a long and explicit role in politics and in conflict. Turning to historical examples for insight offers many advantages to current efforts to understand and respond to suicide terrorism. In particular, it facilitates greater objectivity and a calmer consideration of the actors and circumstances than can often be the case with contemporary events. Explanations of suicide in terms of madness, brainwashing, coercion, and fanaticism ring hollow with many of the historical cases, and other explanations, causes, and processes take on greater significance. By considering a number of case examples, this article shows how improved historical awareness can provide badly needed objective insight and help reveal strategic trends and issues. The article illustrates how historical cases offer valuable material and insight which is often extremely difficult to acquire on contemporary protagonists. Lessons and issues for research and policy are highlighted.

I balanced all, brought all to mind,
The years to come seemed waste of breath,
A waste of breath the years behind
In balance with this life, this death
—W. B. Yeats 1 1. W. B. Yeats, “An Irish airman forsees his death.” The Poems (London: Everyman, 1919/1990).
An earlier version of this paper was presented at “Suicide Terrorism Research Conference,” October 25–26, 2004, Washington, D.C.  相似文献   
916.

The 40‐month period which has followed the introduction of the IRA's 1994 cease‐fire has witnessed the most intensive vigilante campaign ever carried out by the movement. A commitment to vigilantism has profoundly affected the evolution of both the policy and structure of Sinn Féin and the IRA. However, vigilantism bears costs for the two organizations and several serious attempts have been made by senior figures to end the practice. This article sets out to understand and describe the dynamics of militant republicanism's fluctuating commitment to vigilante violence, and in particular to understand the complex issues vigilantism has raised within Sinn Féin and the IRA in the past three decades. The article concludes that the two organizations are now irretrievably committed to vigilantism, and short of major RUC reform, they will be unable to end what has become a politically‐damaging policy.  相似文献   
917.
This article analyses one of the causes of migration in rural Mexico through the lens of US foreign assistance policy. US aid to Mexico – the largest migrant-sending country to the USA by far – does not sufficiently take into account the conditions of rural under-development and joblessness that encourage unauthorised migration to the USA. Instead US foreign assistance has been dominated by aid to Mexico's security agencies. This article analyses how the link between rural underdevelopment and migration-pressures has not been successfully addressed by either the Mexican or US governments. The article also analyses an innovative development project that explicitly seeks to support campesinos with the goal of reducing unauthorised migration pressures in a traditional migrant-sending rural region of Mexico.

Développement rural et migration au Mexique

Cet article analyse une des causes de la migration dans le Mexique rural à travers le prisme de la politique d'assistance étrangère des États-Unis. L'aide accordée par les États-Unis au Mexique – de loin le principal pays d'origine de migrants vers les États-Unis – ne tient pas suffisamment compte des conditions de sous-emploi et de chômage en milieu rural qui encouragent la migration non autorisée vers les États-Unis. Au lieu de cela, l'assistance étrangère des États-Unis a été dominée par l'aide accordée aux agences de sécurité du Mexique. Cet article analyse la manière dont le lien entre le sous-développement rural et les pressions de migration n'est abordé ni par le gouvernement mexicain, ni par celui des États-Unis. Cet article analyse par ailleurs un projet de développement novateur qui cherche expressément à aider les campesinos à réduire les pressions en faveur de la migration non autorisée dans une région rurale du Mexique d'où proviennent traditionnellement des migrants.

Desarrollo rural y migración en México

El presente artículo analiza una de la causas de la emigración constatada en la zona rural de México, a través de la lente de la política estadounidense de asistencia al extranjero. En este sentido, la asistencia estadounidense a México – país de origen del mayor número de migrantes a Estados Unidos – no toma en cuenta de manera suficiente las condiciones impuestas por el subdesarrollo rural y el desempleo, a partir de las cuales se ve estimulada la emigración no autorizada a Estados Unidos. Por el contrario, la asistencia estadounidense a México ha dado prioridad a la ayuda destinada a las agencias de seguridad. Este artículo sostiene que ni el gobierno de Estados Unidos, ni el de México, han analizado a profundidad la relación existente entre el subdesarrollo rural y los alicientes para emigrar. Asimismo, el artículo analiza la implementación de un proyecto de desarrollo innovador que explécitamente busca apoyar a los, con el fin de reducir las condiciones que presionan hacia la emigración de manera indocumentada.

Desenvolvimento rural e migração no México

Este artigo analisa uma das causas de migração na zona rural do México sob a ótica da política de assistência estrangeira dos EUA. A ajuda dos EUA e do México – de longe o país que mais envia imigrantes para os EUA– não leva suficientemente em conta as condições do subdesenvolvimento rural e falta de trabalho que incentivam a imigração não-autorizada para os EUA. Em vez disto, a assistência estrangeira dos EUA tem sido dominada por ajuda a agências de segurança do México. Este artigo analisa como a conexão entre o subdesenvolvimento rural e a pressão por migração não são abordadas pelo governo mexicano nem pelo governo dos EUA. O artigo também analisa um projeto de desenvolvimento inovador na zona rural do Méxicoque explicitamente busca apoiar campesinos com o objetivo de reduzir a pressão da migração não autorizada em uma região rural tradicional em enviar imigrantes do México.  相似文献   

918.
On the occasion of the Centenary of the publication of Norman Angell's The Great Illusion, this article explores the extent to which Angell was influenced by his French contemporaries. He was living in France for the ten years previous to the book's publication and working as a newspaper editor and commentator. The main currents of French political thinking of that period are explored. The main conclusion reached is that Angell had little impact on French thinking at the time and it had not much on him. But it is argued that the reasons for this seeming mutual ignorance had profound effects on the development of thinking about international relations before 1914 and continue to haunt the way we think about IR in the “Anglo–Saxon” countries and in France itself.  相似文献   
919.
In this article we report on a community-based capital cash transfer initiative (CCCT) in Kenya that sought to mobilise and enable HIV-affected communities to respond to the needs of orphaned and vulnerable children. With bilateral funding, the Social Services Department in Kenya provided 80 communities across ten districts with advice and resources to set up social enterprises for the support of vulnerable children. A wide range of food and income generating activities were initiated by the communities, whose produce or profits contributed to the improved school attendance and performance of orphaned children, particularly amongst girls. We conclude that CCCT is a viable strategy for improving orphan schooling in sub-Saharan Africa.

L'importance des transferts de capitaux communautaires sur la scolarisation des orphelins au Kenya

Dans cet article nous présentons un compte rendu d'une initiative de transfert de capitaux communautaires (TCC) au Kenya qui a cherché à mobiliser et à permettre à des communautés touchées par le VIH de répondre aux besoins d'enfants orphelins et vulnérables. Grâce à un financement bilatéral, le département des services sociaux du Kenya a dispensé à 80 communautés réparties sur dix districts les conseils et moyens requis pour mettre sur pied des entreprises sociales visant à soutenir les enfants vulnérables. Une variété d'activités génératrices de nourriture et de revenus ont été initiées par les communautés, dont les produits agricoles ou les bénéfices ont contribué à l'amélioration de l'assiduité scolaire des orphelins, ainsi que leurs résultats, en particulier parmi les filles. Nous concluons que les CCCT constituent une stratégie viable pour l'amélioration de la scolarisation des orphelins en Afrique subsaharienne.

El impacto de las transferencias de efectivo a nivel comunitario en la escolaridad de huérfanos en Kenia

En el presente artículo, los autores dan a conocer la iniciativa de transferencia de efectivo a nivel comunitario (ccci) en Kenia, la cual procuró movilizar y facilitar la respuesta de comunidades afectadas por el vih a las necesidades de niños huérfanos y vulnerables. A través del financiamiento bilateral, el Departamento de Servicios Sociales de Kenia proporcionó consejos y recursos a 80 comunidades de diez distritos, con el fin de establecer empresas sociales destinadas al apoyo de niños vulnerables. Las comunidades iniciaron una amplia gama de actividades para generar alimentos e ingresos, cuyos productos y ganancias contribuyeron a mejorar la asistencia escolar y el rendimiento de los niños huérfanos, especialmente de las niñas. Los autores concluyen que ccci es una estrategia viable para mejorar la escolaridad de los huérfanos del África Subsahariana.

O impacto das transferências de recursos de capital comunitários sobre estudantes órfãos no Quênia

Neste artigo fazemos um relato sobre uma iniciativa de Transferência de Recursos de Capital Comunitários (CCCT) no Quênia que buscou mobilizar e capacitar comunidades afetadas pelo vírus HIV para que possam atuar frente às necessidades de crianças órfãs e vulneráveis. Com financiamento bilateral, o Departamento de Serviço Social do Quênia ofereceu a 80 comunidades de dez distritos orientação e recursos para a criação de empresas sociais de apoio a crianças vulneráveis. Uma ampla série de atividades geradoras de alimentos e renda foi iniciada pelas comunidades, cujos produtos ou lucros contribuíram para uma maior frequência escolar e melhor desempenho de crianças órfãs, particularmente entre as meninas. Concluímos que a CCCT é uma estratégia viável para melhorar o aprendizado escolar de órfãos da África Subsaariana.  相似文献   

920.
The 1991 Persian Gulf War is a “most likely” case for several crisis decision-making models. It commanded presidential attention, arose when bureaucrats were fighting over post-Cold War budgets, and evoked the strong organizational cultures of the U.S. Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marines. We use this case to assess the contexts, decision stages, and issue areas in which alternative crisis models have the most explanatory power. We find that presidents are most powerful in agenda setting, choosing among options, crises, and high-politics issues. Bureaucratic politics diminishes in crises and best explains the behavior of mid-level careerists, the formulation of options, and the shaping of post-war budgets. Most striking, even in crises organizational cultures strongly shape tactical military decisions, choices among weapons systems, and the willingness of officials to risk their careers on behalf of their organizations’ values. Overall, these findings argue for greater attention to the influence of organizational cultures in crises.  相似文献   
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