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51.
迟发性外伤性脑内血肿脑组织GFAP、S-100和NSE的免疫组织化学研究 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:1
应用免疫组织化学ABC法和S-P法,对6例伤后1.5天至2年发生的迟发性外伤性脑内血肿(DTICH)脑组织标本进行神经胶质细胞内胶质纤维酸性蛋白(GFAP)、S-100蛋白(S-100)和神经元细胞内特异性烯醇化酶(NSE)变化和应用价值的研究。尸检和组织学检查发现有脑挫伤等病变。6例DTICH脑组织挫伤及周围区均有明显的GFAP、S-100阳性的细胞变化,细胞数目增多,胞体肥大、增生,免疫组化反应产物增多、深染;神经元细胞NSE免疫组化染色均呈阴性改变。结果表明:6例DTICH脑组织中GFAP、S-100的NSE的免疫组织化学变化是有一定时间间隔的外伤性陈旧性改变,在DTICH的病理诊断上具有重要价值,可作为DTICH法医学鉴定的一个辅助手段。 相似文献
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北京地区尸生性蝇类研究及其在法医鉴定中的应用 总被引:10,自引:3,他引:10
为提供法医学尸体死亡时间鉴定的准确性,对北京地区人尸上蝇类区系进行了系统调查(1994~1996)。发现本地区共有双翅目尸生性蝇类3科、12属、14种。其中常见种有红头丽蝇、丝光绿蝇、大头金蝇、肥须亚麻蝇、急钓亚麻蝇、棕尾别麻蝇和家蝇7种。对其常见种的幼虫进行不同温度和湿度下培养,观察常见环境因素,如日历期、风雨天气等因素对其生长发育速率的影响。结果表明,蝇类幼虫在其适宜生长发育的温度范围内,随着温度的升高发育速率加快,历期缩短;在同一温度和同一饲养条件下,发育速率因种而异;平均温度在28℃左右时,蝇类幼虫发育最快,尤其是1~2龄幼虫,时间为1天左右,且较稳定。这些数据对法医学推断死亡时间具有参考价值。 相似文献
53.
Multiparty electoral competition in the Netherlands and Germany: A model based on multinomial probit
Schofield Normal Martin Andrew D. Quinn Kevin M. Whitford Andrew B. 《Public Choice》1998,97(3):257-293
A typical assumption of electoral models of party competition is that parties adopt policy positions so as to maximize expected vote share. Here we use Euro-barometer survey data and European elite-study data from 1979 for the Netherlands and Germany to construct a stochastic model of voter response, based on multinomial probit estimation. For each of these countries, we estimate a pure spatial electoral voting model and a joint spatial model. The latter model also includes individual voter and demographic characteristics. The pure spatial models for the two countries quite accurately described the electoral response as a stochastic function of party positions. We use these models to perform a thought experiment so as to estimate the expected vote maximizing party positions. We go on to propose a model of internal party decision-making based both on pre-election electoral estimation and post-election coalition bargaining. This model suggests why the various parties in the period in question did not adopt vote maximizing positions. We argue that maximizing expected vote will not, in general, be a rational party strategy in multiparty political systems which are based on proportional representation. 相似文献
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Shifts in attitudes towards British migrants from the late 1940s to the late 1970s chart the development of a non-British Australia. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, British migrants were accorded a special prestige based on a belief that Australia and Britain had fought to defend shared imperial British values. Although British migrants protested at hostel conditions, public sympathy remained on the side of the migrants. The rise of the Whingeing Pom stereotype around 1960 reflects the declining weight of British wartime experience and a strengthening of the idea of an independent non-British Australia. The 1970s saw the ending of British preference, and the debate surrounding British activism in Australian trades unions raised the question of whether British migrants were now merely an ethnic group within a multicultural Australia. 相似文献
58.
Andrew Hindmoor 《英国政治学与国际关系杂志》2005,7(3):402-417
In Downs' median voter theorem parties can only increase their vote by changing their policies and moving towards the electoral centre ground. This theorem has been used to sustain a particular and, I will argue, one-sided interpretation of New Labour's actions and political trajectory. There is more to An Economic Theory of Democracy than the median voter theorem. Downs argues that voters and parties operate in conditions of uncertainty and that this gives parties the opportunity to persuade voters to revise their beliefs. Parties can win elections not only by changing their policies but by changing voters' minds. Downs' arguments about persuasion can be used to generate an alternative and very different interpretation of New Labour. 相似文献
59.
Andrew Cormack 《International Review of Law, Computers & Technology》2016,30(3):150-173
This article reviews ICANN's treatment of applications to create new Top Level Domains based on generic terms (e.g. .book, .motorcycles), reserved for exclusive use by the applicant. It finds little evidence in past domain name history that such registrations represented a risk to competition. Had applicants made abusive use of their domains then existing law would have provided appropriate remedies in any case. Theory suggests that such a novel market was unsuitable for prospective regulatory action and that, by converting potential monopolies into potential cartels, ICANN's action may even have made the competition risk worse. 相似文献
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