Factor structure and reliability of the childhood trauma questionnaire and prevalence estimates of trauma for male and female street youth

This study examines the psychometric properties of the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire short form (CTQ-SF) with street youth who have run away or been expelled from their homes (N = 397). Internal reliability coefficients for the five clinical scales ranged from .65 to .95. Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) was used to test the five-factor structure of the scales yielding acceptable fit for the total sample. Additional multigroup analyses were performed to consider items by gender. Results provided only evidence of weak factorial invariance. Constrained models showed invariance in configuration, factor loadings, and factor covariances but failed for equality of intercepts. Mean trauma scores for street youth tended to fall in the moderate to severe range on all abuse/neglect clinical scales. Females reported higher levels of abuse and neglect. Prevalence of child maltreatment of individual forms was very high with 98% of street youth reporting one or more forms; 27.4% of males and 48.9% of females reported all five forms. Results of this study support the viability of the CTQ-SF for screening maltreatment in a highly vulnerable street population. Caution is recommended when comparing prevalence estimates for male and female street youth given the failure of the strong factorial multigroup model.     

Trick or truth? The British ANF proposal, west Germany and US nonproliferation policy, 1964-68

The deployment and control of nuclear weapons in Europe was a major aspect of Cold War diplomacy. The Multilateral Force (MLF) is a prime example. First proposed in 1960, the MLF attempted to reconcile European demands for collective alliance control within the broader framework of US nonproliferation policy. The MLF was opposed by both Britain and France, who feared the proposal would lead to a nuclear armed West Germany. To counter the MLF, the Wilson government advanced an alternate scheme - the Atlantic Nuclear Force (ANF). This article examines British objectives in advancing the ANF. It contends that the ANF was not a cynical attempt to frustrate the MLF, as suggested by previous commentators, but embodied a serious attempt by the Labour government to implement a nonproliferation regime.     

Why the World Bank can't lead us to a just world order

Abstract

Gail Omvedt makes some telling points in her critique. Dependency theorists have been too quick to discount the possibility of capitalist development in the Third World. It is good to be reminded of the dangers of allowing wishful thinking to color our assessments of popular struggles, and it is useful to have our attention drawn to how elites often use populist rhetoric to mask their defense of power and privilege. In a number of respects, however, I find Omvedt's analysis flawed and even troubling.     

Acknowledging the Other Side in Negotiation

In a negotiation study, we investigated the efficacy of acknowledging an opponent's role in securing a concession made to that opponent. The study featured a face-to-face, one-shot bargaining session between a student favoring marijuana legalization and a confederate playing the role of a legalization opponent. When the confederate acknowledged the student's putative influence in producing a concession by the confederate, the student perceived the magnitude of the concession to be greater and was more likely to accept it. The student negotiators also reported that they liked the other party more following acknowledgement, and our mediational analysis suggested that enhanced interpersonal sentiments played a role in facilitating agreement. In this article, in addition to documenting these findings, we also discuss their implications, both for theoretical analyses of conflict and negotiation and for the practical problem of settling disputes.     

Win,lose, or draw? China’s quarter century war on corruption

In 1982, the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party ordered a crackdown on corruption. As China’s war on corruption enters its 25 year an obvious question is whether the party winning? Because there is no direct way to measure the actual rate of corruption (ARC) and the data we have on the revealed rate of corruption (RRC) may not perfectly reflect changes in the ARC while changes in the perceived level of corruption (PLC) may be subject to subjective distortion, trends in the RRC and the PLC may not provide reliable answers. The mathematical relationship between the ARC and the RRC, however, can be defined as a function of risk. Increases in risk can be interpreted as signaling a narrowing of the ARC–RRC gap. Decreases in risk can be interpreted as signaling a widening of the ARC–RRC gap. By combining data on changes in risk with data on movement in the RRC it is possible, therefore, to assess (in broad terms) the movement of the ARC even though it remains technically unknowable. Using data on the lag between when officials first engage in corruption and when they are prosecuted to measure changes in risk, this article raises doubts about whether Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is winning its war on corruption.     

Recovery of DNA and fingerprints from touched documents

This study investigated the various factors affecting DNA profiling from DNA recovered from fingerprints deposited on paper before and after fingerprint enhancement treatments. The DNeasy^® plant mini kit (QIAGEN^®) was found to improve DNA recovery from paper by over 150% compared with the QIAamp^® mini kit. A significant decrease in the amount of DNA recovered was observed following treatment with DFO and/or Ninhydrin. This decrease in yield did not have a comparably significant effect on the quality of the SGM Plus™ profiles. Furthermore, this study found that whilst certain paper types, such as newspaper, magazine and filter paper allowed for the good recovery of DNA, common office paper and white card, strongly interfered with the recovery of DNA resulting in poor quality profiles.     

Beyond humanitarian intervention: the new politics of peacekeeping and intervention

This article reviews patterns of peacekeeping and military intervention in the post-9/11 world. It argues that while Western states have become increasingly reluctant to engage in the types of humanitarian interventions they undertook in the 1990s, a new model of peace operations is emerging that lies in the middle ground between traditional United Nations peacekeeping and classical humanitarian intervention and combines elements of both. The emergence of this new generation of peace operations indicates that, despite the post-9/11 reluctance of Western states to intervene militarily for humanitarian purposes, there is continued momentum behind the normative shift away from an absolutist conception of state sovereignty and towards the view that the international community has a right and a duty to intervene in internal conflicts and crises.     

公安培训法律教学贴近执法实践之设想

公安培训教育是提高在职公安干警业务素质的重要途径之一。然而，目前的公安培训存在着诸如教材内容陈旧、缺乏针对性及理论与实践脱节等不足。要提高培训效果，使公安培训教学更加贴近执法实践的需要，在教材的选择和教学方法等方面，都要针对不同教学对象的特点，围绕提高学员执法能力及法律素质和法律意识的目的，有针对性地组织教学。针对公安教育的特点，对专业课教师实行定期换岗交流制度及选聘高素质的兼职教师，这是提高教学质量的一个重要方法。