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Abstract: This paper examines the realignment of government from a street‐level vantage point. Gleaning inspiration from studies of governmentality and institutional ethnography, the study argues that street‐level processes were intertwined with the consolidation of neoliberal forms of rule. This connection was evident in the growing centrality of voluntary organizations in social administration, which went hand‐in‐hand with a normalization of more extreme forms of poverty. In making this case, the paper draws on research conducted in Fredericton and Saint John, New Brunswick. Sommaire: Le présent article examine le réalignement du gouvernement sous l'angle du point de vue du grand public. S'inspirant d‘études sur la gouvernementalité et l'ethnographie institutionnelle, l'article soutient que les processus grand public ont été entrelacés avec la consolidation des formes néolibérales de règlement. Cette connexion fut évidente dans la centralité croissante des organismes bénévoles au sein de l'administration sociale, qui alla de concert avec une normalisation de formes de pauvreté plus extrêmes. Pour défendre ce point de vue, l'article se fonde sur des travaux de recherche menés à Fredericton et Saint John au Nouveau‐Brunswick.  相似文献   
123.
Chantal Akerman's Films: A Dossier   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
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124.
This paper gives a brief overview of the state of the art relating to the right to oblivion in Italy. Three major issues on the way this right is perceived, recognized and protected are presented. First, the strict link between the right to oblivion and the right to information is discussed. Then, the role of the internet revolution in enlarging the protection to different situations related to the right to oblivion is analyzed. Finally, a reflection on the distinction between the right to oblivion and the right to data protection and specifically from the right to erasure, anonymization or blocking of data that have been processed unlawfully is drafted.  相似文献   
125.

This study examined variations in children’s post-separation adjustment based on child characteristics (gender and age) and maternal experiences of intimate partner violence (IPV) during marriage. Mothers (N?=?147) recruited within 12 weeks of a divorce filing took part in two interviews three months apart. They reported on marital IPV at Time 1, and their children’s (47% female; ages 3–17) adjustment 3 months later at Time 2. Four aspects of child adjustment were assessed using a standardized measure (hyperactivity, emotional symptoms, conduct problems, peer problems). Mothers were classified as having experienced coercive controlling violence (CCV; 23.8%), situational couple violence (SCV; 27.9%), or no violence (48.3%) during marriage. Gender differences were found on one of the four child adjustment indicators: boys had higher levels of hyperactivity than girls. Among boys but not girls, hyperactivity scores varied based on age and IPV type. Implications for practitioners and researchers are discussed.

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126.
This article contributes to current discussions on state capacity, quality of institutions, and political regimes. Our analysis demonstrates that the J-curve argument (“good institutions” in autocracies as compared to hybrid and transitional regimes) may not be generic and is not well supported by empirical evidence from the sample of post-Soviet countries. An explanatory model of the “King of the Mountain” is instead provided. Its focus is on the monopoly of political rent as a precondition for extraction of economic rent. It demonstrates an inverse correlation between the quality of institutions and the extraction of political and economic rent, and explains why an autocrat may not have an incentive to improve institutions that may make his/her monopoly vulnerable, and rather would prefer to preserve a low quality of institutions and “bad enough governance.” An analysis of a variety of external and domestic factors that may endanger this monopoly is provided. Finally, the autocrat's alternative strategic choices are analyzed. It is argued that better payoffs for the autocrat – paradoxically – may result from partial reforms and improvement of the quality of institutions. However, for various reasons, this is not occurring in post-Soviet autocracies.  相似文献   
127.
Research has suggested that lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) young people are “at-risk” of victimization and/or legally “risky.” Relatively few studies have examined the social construction of risk in “risk factor” research and whether risk as a concept influences the everyday lives of LGBT young people. This article reports how 35 LGBT young people and seven service provider staff in Brisbane, Queensland, Australia perceived LGBT youth–police interactions as reflecting discourses about LGBT riskiness and danger. The participants specifically note how they thought looking at-risk and/or looking risky informed their policing experiences. The article concludes with recommendations for improving future policing practice.  相似文献   
128.
The authors analyze levels of democracy and state capacity (including quality of institutions) in the postcommunist countries over the past two decades and consider the theoretical implications of the relationship between these variables. In particular, they cast serious doubt on the general validity of the J-curve hypothesis. They present their own informal "king of the mountain" model.  相似文献   
129.
The postulates of what is known as Therapeutic Jurisprudence seek to guide to a more humane, reinvigorating and resocializingjustice, and in the Spanish Legal System we can find different manifestations of itself. This paper aims to examine some of the manifestations of Therapeutic Jurisprudence in the Spanish criminal prosecution: adults and minors criminal mediation, the plea bargaining of the criminal offender and the attenuated pre-trial custody.  相似文献   
130.
Recent Supreme Court decisions point to an increased reliance on juries to determine a defendant's sentence. Evidence is mixed on whether jurors are more likely to convict when the potential punishment is mild. The current study examined this issue, as well as the impact of legal authoritarianism (LA) (Kravitz, D. A., Cutler, B. L., & Brock, P. 1993. Reliability and validity of the original and revised legal attitudes questionnaire. Law and Human Behavior, 17, 661–677. doi: 10.1007/BF01044688), on jurors’ decisions. An ethnically diverse sample of participants completed the individual difference measure prior to viewing a videotaped, reenacted criminal trial. We manipulated the severity of the punishment the defendant would receive if convicted. Results indicated LA moderated the effect of punishment severity on verdict. Specifically, at higher levels of punishment severity, civil libertarians convicted less, while legal authoritarians convicted more. That is, the severity-leniency effect held for civil libertarians, but not for legal authoritarians. As juries become more responsible for determining a defendant's sentence, attorneys should be aware of the defendant's potential sentence and use voir dire to identify jurors who are higher on LA.  相似文献   
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