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211.
Lawyers for conservative and libertarian causes are active in organizing and mobilizing interest groups within the conservative coalition, and networks of relationships among those lawyers help to maintain and shape the coalition. Using data gathered in interviews with seventy-two such lawyers, this article analyzes characteristics of the lawyers and the structure of their networks. The findings suggest that the networks are divided into segments or blocks that are identified with particular constituencies, but that a distinct set of actors with extensive relationships serves to bridge the constituencies. Measures of centrality and brokerage confirm the structural importance of these actors in the network, and a search of references in news media confirms their prominence or prestige. This "core" set of actors occupies the "structural hole" in the network that separates the business constituency from religious conservatives. Libertarians, located near the core of the network, also occupy an intermediate position. Regression analysis of ties within the network suggests that the Federalist Society plays an important role in bringing the lawyers together. 相似文献
212.
James D. Schmidt 《Law & social inquiry》2007,32(4):1027-1057
This article considers two recent books in the history of childhood, youth, and the law: Holly Brewer, By Birth or Consent and Stephen Robertson, Crimes Against Children . It argues that these works mark the emergence of age as a category of analysis in sociolegal studies. It calls for further investigations in the legal history of childhood and youth, outlines several areas of interest, and suggests that attention to age will alter how scholars look at the law by complicating key concepts such as innocence, authority, and citizenship. Studies of age and the law could benefit from cross-cultural and transnational approaches. 相似文献
213.
Criminologists have long debated the issue of how to define crime, and hence, the scope of criminological inquiry. For years,
some critical criminologists have argued for expanded definitions of crime that include harmful behaviors of the state that
may not be officially defined as criminal. Other critical criminologists have argued that existing legal frameworks may be
used to study varieties of state crime, and that defining the harmful actions of the state as criminal is important to help
mobilize public support for their control. In this paper, we first trace the historical development of these two perspectives,
and then offer a tentative solution to the seeming tension between these two perspectives. 相似文献
214.
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217.
Angela Liberatore 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2007,13(1-2):109-137
What is the relationship between security policies and democratic debate, oversight and rights? Does coping with security threats require exceptions to the rule of law and reductions of liberties? The inquiry that follows tries to answer such questions in the context of the European Union and takes the case of biometric identification, an area were security considerations and the possible impact on fundamental rights and the rule of law are at stake. Some hypotheses are explored through the case study: “securitisation” and “democratisation” are in tension but some hybrid strategies can emerge; the plurality of “authoritative actors” influences policy frames and outcomes; and knowledge is a key asset in defining these authoritative actors. A counter-intuitive conclusion is presented, namely that biometrics, which seems prima facie an excellent candidate for technocratic decision-making, sheltered from democratic debate and accountability – is characterised by debate by a plurality of actors. Such pluralism is limited to those actors who have the resources – including knowledge – that allow for inclusion in policy making at EU level, but is nevertheless significant in shaping policy; it explains the central role of the metaphor of balancing security and democracy, as well as the “competitive cooperation” between new and more consolidated policy areas. The EU is facing another difficult challenge in the attempt at establishing itself as a new security actor and as a supranational democratic polity: important choices are at stake to assure that citizens’ security is pursued on the basis of the rule of law, respect of fundamental rights and democratic accountability. 相似文献
218.
219.
Marianne Junger Lynette Feder Joy Clay Sylvana M. Côté David P. Farrington Kate Freiberg Vicente Garrido Genovés Ross Homel Friedrich Lösel Matthew Manning Paul Mazerolle Rob Santos Martin Schmucker Christopher Sullivan Carole Sutton Tom van Yperen Richard E. Tremblay 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2007,13(3-4):327-356
220.
Panagiotis K. Staikouras Christos K. Staikouras Maria-Eleni K. Agoraki 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2007,23(1):1-27
Banks are “special” financial institutions generating distinct corporate governance challenges. The present paper examines
the relationship between two of the most pertinent corporate governance factors—that is, the size of the Board of Directors
and the proportion of non-executive directors—and firm performance on a sample of 58 large European banks over the period
2002–2004. The empirical analysis embraces a number of bank-specific variables. Our results reveal that bank profitability
is negatively related to the size of the Board of Directors, while the impact of Board composition, although positive in all
models, is, in most cases, insignificant. The results are robust after controlling for firm-specific variables.
相似文献