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971.
972.
Anthony N. CelsoAuthor Vitae 《Orbis》2014,58(2):229-247
The article argues that Islamist terror is driven by irrational forces; it analyzes jihadist values and doctrines that animate Islamic revolutionaries; it then contends that jihadist movements go through a cycle of mobilization, extremism, implosion and recreation. Finally, it assesses the prospects for jihadist revitalization, extremism, and decline in Syria and the Sahel. Examples from the Iraqi and Algerian jihadist campaigns are used for illustrative purposes throughout. 相似文献
973.
974.
Frank Bovenkerk 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2011,55(4):259-260
Terrorist organizations, groups, cells or just ‘bunches of guys’ are systematically compared with other types of criminal
or deviant organizations: organized crime such as the mafia, street gangs and religious sects. Of course there are many differences
between them, especially where motivation is concerned, but they share the common factor that it is almost impossible or very
difficult for individual members to step out. However, de-radicalization may follow analogous paths: aging out, accepting
exit programs in prison or disengaging ideologically. The article discusses the obstacles that a government strategy that
encourages desistance from terrorism by stepping out may encounter. It may be sufficient and more realistic to discourage
radicals from using violence than to try to de-radicalize them by using counternarrative techniques. 相似文献
975.
Zaijun Yuan 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2011,16(4):389-405
In the Chinese political system, according to the constitution, the people’s congresses at the primary level are the only
institution which the voters can directly elect. However, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tightly controls the “direct elections”
and takes every measure in the elections to prevent grassroots power from entering even the primary-level people’s congresses.
In recent years, grassroots power has kept struggling for its legal rights in the “direct elections” held in a few localities.
The conflicts between the grassroots power and the authoritarian party in the “direct elections” have become an interesting
political phenomenon, a subject deserves close observation and research. This paper studies the background of the independent
candidates, their motivations and behaviour in elections. The paper also examines the party’s control in the elections and
thus exposes the true nature of China’s people’s congress “direct” elections. The paper argues that independent candidates
can have little impacts on China’s political structure at the current stage because of the party’s tight control, but their
political participation has the most democratic value, compared with the “reforms” instigated and carried out by the CCP. 相似文献
976.
R.N.ANIL 《北京周报(英文版)》2011,54(29):48
<正>My first visit to China was in 1986.After that I have been to this charming country several times and during these visits heard 相似文献
977.
978.
Lauren K. Hall 《Society》2011,48(4):316-322
979.
Anthony Woodiwiss 《Economy and Society》2013,42(3):275-316
This part develops the author's previous effort to produce a Marxist theorisation of the role of legal discourse in democratic capitalist societies that properly acknowledges its ‘relative autonomy’. The paper proceeds by way of a critique of earlier efforts to theorise the non-economic dimensions of productions. It ends with an attempt to theorise the discursive dimension of production so that the effects of the law in the production process may be investigated in a way that overcomes the ‘incommensurability problem’ that otherwise seems to vitiate efforts to provide analyses that work at both the macro and micro levels. 相似文献
980.
MIHÁLY T. RÉVÉSZ 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(1):123-130
SUMMARY The study analyses the status and the standard of freedom of the press in Hungary in the first decade of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Special attention is paid to libel cases against nationality papers attacking the government in Pest. The author's main purpose is to discuss the limits on the freedom of the press drawn by criminal law, and in addition, to examine the accusations against the oppositional papers and the court practices involved. As a result, the study emphasizes that the picture of ‘the press under a state of siege’ could hardly be verified from the criminal procedures examined. The author does not, however, paint an idealized picture of the freedom of the press. The government in Pest was biased against the nationality papers. Yet even so, in the first ten years of Dualism juries adjusted the official criminal law policy by acquittals of authors and editors. The prosecuting magistracy therefore accepted the independence of the jury and the unreliability of the lay judges, and often withstood the demands of government departments. The members of the government of Hungary accepted the practice instituted by the prosecuting magistracy and ‘instead of strict laws and even more strict courts’ they gave up trying to rule the press by means of the criminal law. The first half of the 1870s thus became a period of a free press, indicating to what extent the parliamentary system and its government in Dualism could ‘practise liberalism without risking its own existence’. 相似文献