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71.
Subscribing to a Burkean view of representation, legislators have long tended to resist constant public scrutiny. In recent years, however, they have overcome this reluctance in a large number of countries and voted to allow the televising of their proceedings. But why they did so remains a mystery. Some media theorists argue that television exposure is a 'great democratizer'. It demystifies public authority figures and obliges them to become more accountable for their actions. The experience of the British House of Lords and the United States Senate suggests instead that television was invited in by rational political actors as a means of achieving their goals in a time of change. In this view, television is best seen not as a force in its own right, but as a medium of communication that can be strategically deployed by goal-oriented political élites responding to different political circumstances and institutional incentive structures. 相似文献
72.
Mogens N. Pedersen Peter Mair & Francis G. Castles 《European Journal of Political Research》1997,31(1):147-157
Nomination: 'Some expert judgments ' live on by Mogens N. Pedersen, p.147
Reflections: Revisiting expert judgements by Peter Mair & Francis G. Castles, p.150 相似文献
Reflections: Revisiting expert judgements by Peter Mair & Francis G. Castles, p.150 相似文献
73.
Abstract Although left-right scales are an inherent feature of much cross-national research, they have necessarily been created on a somewhat ad hoc basis, since the empirical foundation for valid cross-national scales rarely exists. This paper seeks to provide such a foundation by using judgements of party ideological position which are both explicit and non-idiosyncratic across a wide range of countries. These judgements derive from a so-called 'expert' survey of leading political scientists in Western Europe, the USA, and elsewhere. It is our hope that the scales which we derive in this way may prove useful in a wide variety of contexts of comparative research. 相似文献
74.
Indigenous and linguistic minorities are in an inferior economic and social position. The ethnic concentration of inequality
is increasingly being recognized in the literature. In this review, studies from six Latin American countries that estimate
the costs to an individual of being an economic minority are reviewed. The studies decompose the overall earnings gap into
two components. One is the portion attributable to differences in the endowments of income-generating characteristics (“explained”
differences) and the other is attributable to differences in the returns that majority and minority workers receive for the
same endowment of income-generating characteristics (“unexplained”). This latter component is often taken as reflecting the
“upper bound” of wage discrimination. In two studies for Bolivia, one using a 1966 survey and the other a 1989 survey, decomposition
of the differential between indigenous and nonindigenous earnings leads to the conclusion that most of the overall differential
is due to productivity. In Guatemala, Mexico and Peru, only one-half of the earnings differential can be attributed to differences
in productivity-enhancing characteristics. In Paraguay, decomposition of the overall earnings differential between monolingual
Spanish speakers and Guaraní speakers shows that most of the differential is explained by human capital differences. In Brazil,
however, there is a significant cost to “being non-white.”
Harry Anthony Patrinos is a Senior Education Economist at the World Bank. He leads the Economics of Education Thematic Group
and manages EdInvest (www.worldbank.org/edinvest), the Education Investment Information Facility. He is co-author ofDecentralization of Education: Demand-Side Financing (1997). His latest co-edited book isPolicy Analysis of Child Labor: A Comparative Study (St. Martin's Press, 1999).Indigenous People and Poverty in Latin America: An Empirical Analysis (edited with George Psacharopoulos), was one of the first studies of the socioeconomic situation of indigenous peoples in
Latin America. 相似文献
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Anthony M. Orum 《Political Behavior》1979,1(1):31-52
In the past three different paradigms or, more loosely, frames of reference, have been used by students of politics to interpret various dimensions of mass political participation. Each of these, which are referred to as the political socialization, the group interests and beliefs, and the political party/organization paradigms, has received empirical support for its scheme of interpretation; yet recent political events also suggest that these frames of reference may be inadequate, and may need to be complemented, if not replaced, by other schemes. The present paper outlines one such scheme, drawing upon recent writings on social networks and social influences on political participation. It relies on the metaphor of a political arena, and proposes two simple propositions to account both for conventional and unconventional participation in this arena.An earlier version of this paper was delivered at the Annual Meetings of the Society for the Study of Social Problems, New York, NY, August 1976. 相似文献