The New Geopolitics of Central Asia and its Borderlands Ali Banuazizi and Myron Weiner (editors) London: I. B. Tauris, 1994, 284 pp, £39.50
The Central Asian Republics. Fragments of Empire, Magnets of Wealth Charles Undeland and Nicholas Platt New York: The Asia Society, 1994, 143 pp
Does Russian Democracy Have a Future? Stephen J. Blank and Earl H. Tilford, Jr. (editors) Pennsylvania: US Army War College, 1994, 162 pp
Between Marx and Muhammad. The Changing Face of Central Asia Dilip Hiro London: Harper Collins, 1994, 402 pp
The Boundaries of Modern Iran Keith McLachlan (editor) University College London: 1994, 150 pp
Islam and Romantic Orientalism. Literary Encounters with the Orient Mohammed Sharafuddin London: I. B. Tauris, 1994, 296 pp, £34.50
Critical Terrains. French and British Orientalisms Lisa Lowe Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1991, 216 pp, $31.85
The Art and Architecture of Islam 1250–1800 Sheila S. Blair and Jonathan M. Bloom Yale University Press, New Haven and London: 1994, biblio, 280 pp, £45
Culinary Cultures of the Middle East Sami Zubaida and Richard Tapper (editors) London: I. B. Tauris, 302 pp, biblio, index, £34.50 相似文献
Carey Schofield, Inside the Soviet Army. London: Headline Book Publishing, 240 pp., £19.95 hardback.
Karlernst Ziem, Afghanistan: Voraussetzungen und Chancen für eine Nichtmilitarische Losung des Konflikts (Perspectives and Chances for a Non‐military Resolution of the Conflict). Ebenhausen, Germany: Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 105 pp. 相似文献
The Controlled Substances Act (CSA) is the prevailing "drug abuse" control statute in the United States. Its manifest objective is to prevent or reduce drug use's "substantial and detrimental effect on the health and general welfare of the American people." Evaluating CSA's effectiveness in 1975, a Domestic Council Task Force reported in a White Paper to President Gerald Ford that its control measures do "reduce abuse of dangerous drugs." The Task Force's evidence was based upon a before-and-after analysis of the frequency of "drug abuse episodes" reported to the nation's Drug Abuse Warning Network (DAWN). This research note challenges the conclusion of the Domestic Council Task Force, subjecting the DAWN evidence to more rigorous scrutiny, and concluding that we do not presently have adequate materials to assess whether CSA meets its health objectives. The context of this conclusion is that of drug control, but its implications apply to health policy and health policy evaluation in general. 相似文献
Recent judicial reforms after democratic transition have been substantial and relatively successful in Chile, but much less
so in Argentina and Brazil. This article traces this variation in outcomes to the legal strategies of the prior authoritarian
regimes. The Brazilian military regime of 1964–1985 was gradualist in its approach to the law, and had a high degree of civilian-military
consensus in the legal sphere. It was not highly repressive in its deployment of lethal violence, and this combination of
factors contributed to a gradualist and consensual transition in which judicial reform was not placed high on the political
agenda. The Argentine case of military rule between 1976 and 1983 was almost the opposite. The military sidestepped and even
attacked the judiciary, engaging in almost entirely extrajudicial violence. This generated a “backlash” reform movement after
the transition to democracy that was mostly retrospective and only partially successful. In Chile, in contrast, the military
engineered a radical break with previous legality, engaged in violent repression, but made considerable efforts to reconstruct
a judicial order. It was in the aftermath of this situation that reformers were able to push through a prospective and relatively
successful judicial reform. This article's findings suggest that judicial reform may be more likely to succeed where the prior
authoritarian regime was both repressive and legalistic, as in Chile, Poland, and South Africa, than where high degrees of
repression were applied largely extrajudicially, as in Argentina, Cambodia, and Guatemala, or where the authoritarian regime
was legalistic but not highly repressive, as in Brazil, Mexico, and the Philippines. 相似文献
This article examines policies of Aboriginal assimilation between the 1930s and the 1960s, highlights how different forms of settler nationalism shaped understandings of the Aboriginal future, and explores the impact of the shift from biological notions of Australian nationhood (white Australia) to culturalist understandings of national cohesion and belonging. Assimilation policies were underpinned by racist assumptions and settler nationalist imperatives. Aborigines of mixed descent were a special focus for governments and others concerned with Aboriginal welfare, “uplift” and assimilation. This is most evident in the discourse of biological absorption of the 1930s, but lived on in notions of cultural assimilation after the Second World War. One of the ongoing motivations for assimilation drew upon the nationalist message within “white Australia”: the need to avoid the development of ethnic or cultural difference within the nation‐state. The article highlights an ideological split among the advocates of individual assimilation and group assimilation, and uses the writings of Sir Paul Hasluck and A. P. Elkin to illustrate these two views. 相似文献
This article explores the implementation of SOE reform in China at the local level, using case studies in Guangzhou as illustration. It is argued that local government spearheads a reform agenda that puts locally-defined state objectives first, not necessarily favouring enterprise restructuring. A full-fledged negotiation model does not exist in SOE reforms because all enterprises are controlled by the state and have to comply with top-down policies and orders. Government-enterprise relations and the degree of entrepreneurial power depend largely on the economic strength of the enterprise, with the boomers getting a good economic bargain while the laggards fail to gain sympathy from government. Enterprise workers are largely at the mercy of restructuring decisions that come from bargaining and at times collusion between managers and local bureaucrats. 相似文献