"Beaten to death". An autopsy series of homicidal blunt force injuries

Although gunshot is by far the most common means of homicide in the United States, significant numbers of homicides are also perpetrated by other means. Blunt-force injuries are produced by a variety of objects, including hands and feet and many different weapons. Some of these objects produce distinctive patterns of injury of potential evidentiary value. This paper presents a series of 20 consecutive blunt-force homicides in adults. Seventy percent (14 cases) of the victims were men. Thirty percent (six cases) followed an argument or altercation. A number of the weapons used were "weapons of opportunity" seized in the course of the incidents. Sixty-nine percent (nine cases) of known assailants were acquainted with their victims. Few characteristic patterned injuries were seen. Not surprisingly, craniocerebral trauma was the most common cause of death. One half (10 cases) the victims survived their assaults for varying periods of time. Homicides due to blunt-force injury still pose a significant challenge for the forensic pathologist, who must obtain a complete and accurate history of the fatal incident, interpret patterns of injury and other findings at autopsy, and correlate all of the findings to make an accurate ruling of the cause and manner of death.     

The effect of federal drug law on the incidence of drug abuse

The Controlled Substances Act (CSA) is the prevailing "drug abuse" control statute in the United States. Its manifest objective is to prevent or reduce drug use's "substantial and detrimental effect on the health and general welfare of the American people." Evaluating CSA's effectiveness in 1975, a Domestic Council Task Force reported in a White Paper to President Gerald Ford that its control measures do "reduce abuse of dangerous drugs." The Task Force's evidence was based upon a before-and-after analysis of the frequency of "drug abuse episodes" reported to the nation's Drug Abuse Warning Network (DAWN). This research note challenges the conclusion of the Domestic Council Task Force, subjecting the DAWN evidence to more rigorous scrutiny, and concluding that we do not presently have adequate materials to assess whether CSA meets its health objectives. The context of this conclusion is that of drug control, but its implications apply to health policy and health policy evaluation in general.     

Explaining judicial reform outcomes in new democracies: The importance of authoritarian legalism in Argentina,Brazil, and Chile

Recent judicial reforms after democratic transition have been substantial and relatively successful in Chile, but much less so in Argentina and Brazil. This article traces this variation in outcomes to the legal strategies of the prior authoritarian regimes. The Brazilian military regime of 1964–1985 was gradualist in its approach to the law, and had a high degree of civilian-military consensus in the legal sphere. It was not highly repressive in its deployment of lethal violence, and this combination of factors contributed to a gradualist and consensual transition in which judicial reform was not placed high on the political agenda. The Argentine case of military rule between 1976 and 1983 was almost the opposite. The military sidestepped and even attacked the judiciary, engaging in almost entirely extrajudicial violence. This generated a “backlash” reform movement after the transition to democracy that was mostly retrospective and only partially successful. In Chile, in contrast, the military engineered a radical break with previous legality, engaged in violent repression, but made considerable efforts to reconstruct a judicial order. It was in the aftermath of this situation that reformers were able to push through a prospective and relatively successful judicial reform. This article's findings suggest that judicial reform may be more likely to succeed where the prior authoritarian regime was both repressive and legalistic, as in Chile, Poland, and South Africa, than where high degrees of repression were applied largely extrajudicially, as in Argentina, Cambodia, and Guatemala, or where the authoritarian regime was legalistic but not highly repressive, as in Brazil, Mexico, and the Philippines.     

White Australia,Settler Nationalism and Aboriginal Assimilation*

This article examines policies of Aboriginal assimilation between the 1930s and the 1960s, highlights how different forms of settler nationalism shaped understandings of the Aboriginal future, and explores the impact of the shift from biological notions of Australian nationhood (white Australia) to culturalist understandings of national cohesion and belonging. Assimilation policies were underpinned by racist assumptions and settler nationalist imperatives. Aborigines of mixed descent were a special focus for governments and others concerned with Aboriginal welfare, “uplift” and assimilation. This is most evident in the discourse of biological absorption of the 1930s, but lived on in notions of cultural assimilation after the Second World War. One of the ongoing motivations for assimilation drew upon the nationalist message within “white Australia”: the need to avoid the development of ethnic or cultural difference within the nation‐state. The article highlights an ideological split among the advocates of individual assimilation and group assimilation, and uses the writings of Sir Paul Hasluck and A. P. Elkin to illustrate these two views.     

Bureaucrats–Enterprise Negotiation in China's Enterprise Reform at the Local Level: case studies in Guangzhou

This article explores the implementation of SOE reform in China at the local level, using case studies in Guangzhou as illustration. It is argued that local government spearheads a reform agenda that puts locally-defined state objectives first, not necessarily favouring enterprise restructuring. A full-fledged negotiation model does not exist in SOE reforms because all enterprises are controlled by the state and have to comply with top-down policies and orders. Government-enterprise relations and the degree of entrepreneurial power depend largely on the economic strength of the enterprise, with the boomers getting a good economic bargain while the laggards fail to gain sympathy from government. Enterprise workers are largely at the mercy of restructuring decisions that come from bargaining and at times collusion between managers and local bureaucrats.