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Because inmate rehabilitation efforts are influenced by prison staff, Pennsylvania’s Department of Corrections recently began collecting survey data from corrections staff about their attitudes and beliefs for treatment programming. The present analysis focused on staff tenure, or length of time employed in a corrections field, and its effects on support for inmate rehabilitation. Overall, findings from bivariate analyses clearly showed that staff with 16 years or more of service expressed less apathy and demonstrated a treatment orientation perspective toward inmate rehabilitation. Findings from multivariate analyses showed that respondent characteristics including tenure and job category were stronger predictors of staff apathy and a treatment orientation perspective than were environmental factors associated with the prisons. Policy implications will be discussed.  相似文献   
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How does political competition shape institutions that govern the expansion of social policy subnationally? Brazilian states have shown a surprising variation in the design of their public health institutions, which regulate the distribution of health resources and citizen access to public health care. While many states have experienced fragmentation, some have remained highly centralized and discretionary, and only a select few have established a coordinated system based on power sharing and rules‐based distribution. Accounts that link public health care expansion to federal government imposition, the presence of the public health care movement, and leftist parties cannot fully explain this variation. Instead, in the three Brazilian states examined here, the nature of subnational political competition triggered different institution‐building strategies. The findings indicate that plural political competition yielded incentives for limiting state‐level discretion and for sharing power with municipal governments, while political concentration reinforced the attraction to centralized and discretionary policymaking.  相似文献   
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In this study, a sample of 225 Guatemalan males, comprising 115 Mestizo-Guatemalan and 110 Mayan-Guatemalan, was typed for 17 Y-short tandem repeats (STRs) loci (DYS19, DYS389I, DYS389II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393, DYS437, DYS438, DYS439, DYS448, DYS456, DYS458, DYS635, YGATA_H4.1 and DYS385a/b). The haplotype diversity (H = 1) and discrimination capacity (96.86%) were calculated. Analysis of molecular variance (AMOVA) demonstrated a low but significant interpopulation differentiation when compared with the results obtained when we confront the Mestizo and Mayan populations with the European populations.Furthermore, the genetic variability and differences among the American, African, Asian, and European populations were analyzed with the software Statistica 9.1. In addition, the genetic distances were also calculated using other published data. Reynolds and Slatkińs genetic distance was visualized using the multidimensional scaling (MDS) analysis. All the analysis performed locates the Mayan population next to the Native American population, while Guatemalan-Mestizo population was found to be between these populations and the European population, similar to other Mestizo one.The implementation of the estimation of individual ancestry proportions of the whole population sample showed the presence of two well-differentiated population groups.  相似文献   
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Antonio Quesada 《Public Choice》2007,130(3-4):395-400
For the case of strict preferences, a measure of a voter’s average power in a dictatorial social welfare function is defined making the dictator never have more average power than three voters and, as the number of voters grows, making the dictator average power converge to the average power of two voters. This result suggests, as those in Tangian (2004), that dictatorial social welfare functions might not be as undesirable aggregation rules as traditionally held.  相似文献   
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Afghan tribes and local communities have been exposed to foreign patronage since at least the 19th century, but the scale of patronage relative to Afghanistan's internal economy increased dramatically after the late 1970s. Inevitably, this had a major impact on Afghanistan's own internal dynamics and on the mechanisms of political legitimisation. This article focuses on the province of Kandahar, which occupies a privileged space in Afghan politics and history, having given origin to almost all of the country's ruling elites. It deals with three groups of tribal strongmen, who tried to use tribally based patronage systems to stake a claim to local power.  相似文献   
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This paper will try to contribute to the understanding of public programs supporting high technology diffusion and transference. The framework utilised will combine the theory of technology and innovation diffusion and the use of value mapping methodology. The article provides empirical evidence on the variables, which contribute to filling some research gaps on the assessment of high tech diffusion programs. For this we have utilised the evaluation of the GAME initiative, part of the European Commission IV Research Framework Programme. The objective of this program was to diffuse microelectronics technology among Spanish firms. Using one hundred set cases and employing multivariable analysis methods it was found that a model could be built with two multivariable constructs to explain and understand technology diffusion, absorption and transference flows. In addition, the model is useful for evaluating technology dissemination using the diffusion model to measure its social impact. The statistical methodology applied, as a complement to value mapping, provides a robustness in the results which is not normally furnished by classical evaluation methods. It also reinforces value mapping as an adequate tool for high tech cases with certain modifications to the original approach. The␣latter is due to the uncertainty of technology disruption curves and change, as well as to the changing conditions in the economies of scale.   相似文献   
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