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In the absence of effective national and intergovernmental regulation to ameliorate global environmental and social problems, “private” alternatives have proliferated, including self‐regulation, corporate social responsibility, and public–private partnerships. Of the alternatives, “non‐state market driven” (NSMD) governance systems deserve greater attention because they offer the strongest regulation and potential to socially embed global markets. NSMD systems encourage compliance by recognizing and tracking, along the market’s supply chain, responsibly produced goods and services. They aim to establish “political legitimacy” whereby firms, social actors, and stakeholders are united into a community that accepts “shared rule as appropriate and justified.” Drawing inductively on evidence from a range of NSMD systems, and deductively on theories of institutions and learning, we develop an analytical framework and a preliminary set of causal propositions to explicate whether and how political legitimacy might be achieved. The framework corrects the existing literature’s inattention to the conditioning effects of global social structure, and its tendency to treat actor evaluations of NSMD systems as static and strategic. It identifies a three‐phase process through which NSMD systems might gain political legitimacy. It posits that a “logic of consequences” alone cannot explain actor evaluations: the explanation requires greater reference to a “logic of appropriateness” as systems progress through the phases. The framework aims to guide future empirical work to assess the potential of NSMD systems to socially embed global markets. 相似文献
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Lee Bernstein 《Trends in Organized Crime》2007,10(4):3-15
With varying degrees of enthusiasm, federal, state, and local governments had been investigating and prosecuting gangsters
since the late nineteenth century. Despite this relatively long history, the primary interpretation of the Apalachin arrests
lay in the belief that the New York State Police had uncovered proof of the existence of organized crime. This essay investigates
the reasons why there seemed to be an ongoing need to prove its existence, concluding that organized crime came to be defined
within the cultural and political agendas of Cold War America. Drawing on media accounts, government documents, archival sources,
and popular non-fiction, this essay argues that rather than the conclusive proof of the mafia, Apalachin is best viewed as
an exhibit in an ongoing argument about the existence and meaning of organized crime.
Lee Bernstein Associate Professor of History at SUNY—New Paltz. He is the author of The Greatest Menace: Organized Crime in Cold War America. 相似文献
Lee BernsteinEmail: |
Lee Bernstein Associate Professor of History at SUNY—New Paltz. He is the author of The Greatest Menace: Organized Crime in Cold War America. 相似文献
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