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Abstract: Historically, Swiss identity was founded on beliefs in federalism, direct democracy and armed neutrality. Given continued popular support for autonomous self‐defense in an era of transnational threats, it is worth examining whether a small economically interdependent state, such as Switzerland, is single‐handedly capable of providing for its own security. To preview our conclusions, every facet of Switzerland’s security, whether against military threats, terrorism or natural disasters, today benefits from substantial international inputs. At base, Switzerland’s increasing security dependence has been driven by the following dynamics: 1) the general development of institutionalized international cooperation; 2) the evolving nature of the threats Switzerland faces; and 3) political efforts to “securitize” issues not hitherto considered as security problems. Because Swiss security dependence owes more to broad structural factors than deliberate choices, policymakers would be better off embracing this reality by proactively using international organizations to address transnational challenges. 相似文献
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Thomas Von Ungern‐Sternberg 《Swiss Political Science Review》2005,11(4):123-138
Wir fassen kurz die wichtigsten Ergebnisse unserer Länderstudien im Gebäudeversicherungsmarkt zusammen. Wir versuchen aus unseren Beobachtungen Schlüsse zu ziehen, wie die Versicherung gegen Naturkatastrophen institutionell organisiert werden sollte. Wir kommen zum Ergebnis, dass aus Gründen der Effizienz (niedrigere Verwaltungs‐ und Vertriebskosten) und um Probleme der Risikoselektion zu vermeiden, öffentlichen Monopolen auf diesem Markt eine wichtige Rolle zukommen sollte. Ein weiterer gewichtiger Vorteil der Monopollösung ist die Tatsache, dass diese Institutionen starke Anreize haben, sich für eine effiziente Prävention einzusetzen. 相似文献
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Day A Giles G Marshall B Sanderson V 《International journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology》2004,48(3):347-359
In Australia, as in other countries that have experienced colonisation, indigenous people are massively overrepresented in all stages of the criminal justice system. If criminal justice agencies are to provide culturally responsive and effective services to this group, it is important that they employ significant numbers of indigenous staff across all levels of their organisations. Despite the positive intentions of many justice agencies to increase the proportion of indigenous staff members they employ, the numbers remain low. In this article, we explore some of the possible reasons for this by reporting the results of focus groups conducted with existing indigenous justice agency employees. The employees raised a number of issues relevant to recruitment and retention. These are discussed in terms of their potential value in improving justice agency indigenous recruitment and retention strategies. 相似文献
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Trutz Von Trotha 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1995,24(1):37-47
Recently an increasing amount of violent racism has been directed at foreigners in Germany. Current theoretical explanations are deficient because they fail to recognize the historical role of the political culture. This paper argues that political elites are responsible for initiating rhetoric and policy that has created an environment where xenophobic and racist violence can flourish. Positive normalization is defined as a process for the neutralization of the violent Nazi past and the reconstruction of a German nationalist identity. Negative normalization is described as responsible for the decriminalization and trivialization of xenophobic and racist violence. It is argued that unless changes within the German political culture are taken into account, criminological perspectives on the current situation will inevitably be limited. 相似文献
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Christopher P. Salas-Wright Margaret Lombe Von E. Nebbitt Leia Y. Saltzman Taqi Tirmazi 《Victims & Offenders》2018,13(1):84-101
Youth reporting independently elevated levels of religiosity and self-efficacy tend to abstain from externalizing behavior. However, little is known about the ways in which religiosity and self-efficacy interrelate to impact youth externalizing. Drawing from a sample of African American youth from public housing communities (N = 236), we use latent profile analysis to identify subtypes of youth based on self-reported religiosity and self-efficacy and, in turn, examine links with crime. Compared to youth in other subgroups, those classified as both highly religious and highly self-efficacious reported less involvement in minor and severe delinquency, but not violence. 相似文献
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When do high-income earners get ‘on board’ with the fiscal contract and accept paying a larger share of the tax burden? Progressive taxes perform particularly poorly in developing countries. We argue that the common opposition of the affluent to more progressive taxation is not merely connected to administrative limitations to coercively enforce compliance, but also to the uncertainty that high-income earners associate with the returns to taxes. Because coercion is not an option, there is a need to convince high-income earners to ‘invest’ in the public system via taxes. Trust in institutions is decisive for the fiscal contract. Expecting that paid contributions will be used in a sensible manner, high-income earners will be more supportive of progressive income taxation. We study tax composition preferences of a cross-section of Latin American countries using public opinion data from LAPOP for 2012. Findings reveal that higher levels of trust in political institutions strongly mitigate the opposition of the affluent towards more progressive taxation. 相似文献