Democracy and ‘punitive populism’: exploring the Supreme Court's role in El Salvador

El Salvador is characterized by the sad record of having one of the highest degrees of violence and crime in Latin America. Recent governments have tried to fight it with programmes called ‘mano dura’ or ‘super-mano dura’ with measures and practices that have often violated human rights and judicial guarantees. This paper aims to explore the Supreme Court's role in the application of these policies by the Salvadoran government. We discovered that the highest court in this country supports this kind of policies termed by some analysts ‘policies of punitive populism’. In this sense, the Constitutional Chamber acted in contrast to what is required by democratic theory. The paper proceeds as follows: in the first part we analyse the theoretical framework of public safety policies and frame the Salvadoran case. In the second part, we explore the Supreme Court cases that support (or not) these policies, examining the performance of the court in relation to these cases. The last part is a summary of our evidence.     

The delisting decision: The case of buyout offer with squeeze-out (BOSO)

In this paper, we exploit the specificity of going-private transactions that are initiated by the historic controlling shareholders (i.e. voluntary delistings). In Continental Europe, the majority of firms that become private do so following a buyout offer with squeeze-out (BOSO); using this mechanism, the controlling shareholder can cash out minorities and take the firm private. We argue that the decision to go private results from a cost–benefit analysis. Moreover, we pay particular attention to the consequences and the related costs of compliance resulting from the passage of the French Financial Security Law (FSL) in 2003. A quantitative study was performed using a unique dataset spanning 1997–2006. This data set consists of 140 French firms, of which 70 were voluntarily delisted via BOSO and 70 were industry-matched control firms. Univariate analysis and logistic regressions support the cost–benefit analysis: when listing benefits decrease because of weak liquidity and/or weak analyst coverage, it seems better for the firm to go private. Furthermore, the inherent characteristics of delisted firms (i.e. performance, leverage, and risk as measured by the beta factor) appear to be important driving factors of delisting. The passage of the FSL has strengthened the impact of these characteristics on the decision to go private. Mature firms that have weak performance and low specific risk and that are not financially constrained by debt will decide to go private because they cannot afford the listing status anymore. Finally, we show that the driving factors of delisting differ according to the identity of the controlling shareholder; specifically, the level of risk appears to be the strongest determinant for family firms, while non-family firms also consider their own financial structure.     

Allele distribution of three X-chromosome STR loci in an antioquian population sample

The X-linked short tandem repeats (STR) markers have proven to be very useful tools for paternity testing when the disputed child is female. The aim of this study was to describe the polymorphism of three X-chromosomal STR loci (DXS6797, DXS6800 and HPRTB) in an Antioquian (Colombian) population sample. PCR products were separated in 4% acrylamide-bis-acrylamide denaturing gels followed by silver staining. Allele size determination and genotyping were performed according to recommendations of the DNA Commission of the International Society of Forensic Genetic using the allelic ladder manufactured at home and based on DNA controls including K562 and 9947A (Promega). Gene frequencies were calculated using ARLEQUIN version 3.11. Population genetic data were obtained by analyzing 127-400 unrelated males and 135 unrelated females from Antioquian (Colombian) population. Distribution of the allele frequencies of these systems for Antioquia population is similar to the European populations.     

Sympathetic Symbols,Social Movements,and School Desegregation

An important theoretical contribution to the study of social movements involving legal mobilization is framing theory. Framing encourages an analysis of the parties involved and the tools used to make meaning of their cause. A scholarly gap emerges, however, when considering the race, gender, and class of the litigants and the social challenges they face. In this article, the author blends framing theory with controlling‐images theory to provide a conceptual tool of ‘the sympathetic symbol’ to analyse the effects of race, gender, and class. Next, the author introduces the legal and social histories of two school desegregation cases involving Chinese‐American and Mexican‐American plaintiffs, identifying the relevant controlling images germane to each case. Finally, the author questions whether a sympathetic symbol is necessary to counter the raced, gendered, and classed stereotypes that threaten the struggle for equality and suggests future directions for research.     

The history of the use of bacteriological and chemical agents during Zimbabwe's liberation war of 1965-80 by Rhodesian forces

In 1979 the largest recorded outbreak of anthrax occurred in Rhodesia, present day Zimbabwe. The incident, widely known in Africa and in intelligence circles is not widely known in the USA or Europe. At the time Rhodesia was fighting a guerilla war against black nationalist insurgents. Rhodesia first accused the nationalist side of using anthrax as a weapon. In allegations that surfaced in 1998--and which persist to this day--external researchers and the current government of Zimbabwe insist that the outbreak in 1978-80 was anything but benign. They argue that the original outbreak was the result of a calculated move by the Rhodesian government with the duplicitous acknowledgment of apartheid South Africa. Furthermore, the government alleges that a current outbreak is the work of disgruntled white farmers in the country. The allegations over the 1979-80 outbreak are given credence by the acknowledgement by Ken Flower, Chief of Rhodesia's Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), and by CIO Officer Henrik Ellert that the white minority regime of Ian Smith used biological and chemical weapons against the guerillas, against rural blacks to prevent their support of the guerillas and against cattle to reduce rural food stocks. The current government and researchers have drawn inferences from his statements to show that the unusual outbreak in 1978-80 was a deliberate use of weaponized anthrax. These inferences rely on important facts which will be highlighted in this paper, namely that: 1) by 1978 the 'writing was on the wall' for the white regime and recourse to a weapon of last resort was not unfathomable; 2) because of its international status, Rhodesia had become an expert in sanctions busting; 3) the alliance between South Africa and Rhodesia makes the allegations more credible; and 4) the current government of Zimbabwe has purposefully failed to launch a formal investigation because it is convenient to its continued survival to vilify the former regime and current white farmers in order to deflect attention away from the 21-year-old dictatorship of Robert Mugabe and the economic woes that have followed from the regime's mismanagement.     

Serve the People

正In late 2020,the Chinese Government announced that its goal to eliminate extreme poverty had been met. At the start of the targeted poverty alleviation program back in 2013, under 100 million people were identified as living below the poverty line;seven years later,that number dropped to zero.     

Facts Tell A Different Story

正China has billionaires and is a top destination for foreign direct investment. It has thousands of branches of Starbucks and KFC,along with significant private ownership of capital. It suffers from different levels of inequality. These factors lead many to question whether it really is what it claims to be: a socialist country.     

Genetic Polymorphisms of four X-STR Loci: DXS6797, DXS6800, HPRTB and GATA172D05 in a Peruvian population sample

The X linked short tandem repeats (STR) markers have proven to be very useful tools for paternity testing when the disputed child is female. The purpose of this study was to describe the genetic polymorphism of four X-chromosomal STR loci (DXS6797, DXS6800, HPRTB and GATA172D05) in a Peruvian population sample and evaluate their efficiency in forensic practice and paternity testing.     

Tattoos of the Marielitos

Tattoos on Cuban refugees, particularly those who entered the United States during the Mariel Boatlift of 1980, have been associated with both criminal activity and religious affiliations. In an effort to understand better the significance and meanings of these tattoos, a series of interviews (initially informal, followed by a formal survey instrument) were conducted. Examples of the various tattoos were gleaned from the files of the Dade County Medical Examiner Department. In general, tattoos on Cuban refugees signify prior incarceration in Cuban prisons, usually do not reflect criminal specialization, and often reflect affiliation to Afro-Caribbean cults (especially Santeria, Palo Mayombe, and the Abakua Secret Society). In addition, many tattoos reflect the values and attitudes of Cuban jail subculture.     

Fishing from the same schools: Parliamentary recruitment and consociationalism in the first and second Italian republics

This article addresses several issues surrounding the politics of flexibility in Spain. First, it argues that the strategic role of trade unions develop and condition public policies on labour market reform by couching their strategies in terms of the post‐war labour market strategies and structures of the state, especially as governments attempt to move away from established forms of fordist regulation. Hence, second, a broader political and historical perspective is required that understands the complex political dynamics of state‐labour relationships and their structuring over time. The state's role and its labour market presence becomes itself the object of distinct political interventions and calculations by unions, governments and employers. Any discussion of a ‘post‐fordist’ state, determined to increase the flexibility of the labour market, must look at the complex and difficult ‘transitional’ process.