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Elke Schwarz 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2018,11(2):394-413
The ongoing conflict in the war on terrorism puts two emblematic modes of violence into sharp relief: the drone, as an ostensibly rational, clinical and measured weapon of war, and suicide bombings, frequently portrayed as the horrid deeds of fanatics. In this article, I seek to challenge this juxtaposition and instead suggest that both modalities of killing are part of the same technologically-mediated ecology of violence. To do this, I examine the material-semiotic assemblage of the drone and of the suicide bomber, paying attention to the technological production of each mode of violence, as well as the narratives that render each figure intelligible in the war on terrorism. I argue that the strongly divergent narratives found in Western discourse serve as a politically expedient sense–making device, whereby suicide bombing is pathologised, thereby justifying ever more intrusive violent acts with seemingly rational technologies like the drone. Rather than “solving” the problem of terrorism, this creates counter-productive, or iatrogenic, effects, in which technological mediation escalates rather than diminishes cycles of violence. By way of response, I suggest that a better understanding of the relational nature of violence in the war on terrorism might be gained by reading the two not as antithetical figures, but instead as operating in the same technological key. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTPresent evidence regarding widely used risk assessment tools suggests that such tools may have inferior predictive validity for offenders with a migration background (MB), especially from Turkey and Arab countries. Based on a thorough literature review, we investigated additional risk and protective factors via a postdictive correlational study design. We assumed that delinquency is induced by discrimination, a conflict of values, norms of honour, a disapproval of sexual self-determination, and antisemitism. In contrast, we expected social support to diminish the risk of criminal behaviour. The sampling took place inside and outside prison, where adult men with an Arab or Turkish MB (n?=?140) filled out a questionnaire. Individual norms of honour (r?=?.27?.41), antisemitism (r?=?.31?.37), and a disapproval of sexual self-determination (r?=?.23?.26) were positively correlated with delinquency. The best predictor was the individual’s perception of friends’ norms of honour (r?=?.34?.56). However, only a few significant correlations were found for a perception of individual discrimination (r?=?.08?.14) and an internal conflict of values (r?=?.11?.15), whereas global discrimination (r?=?.20?.29) clearly emerged as a risk factor for delinquency. Social support by nondelinquent peers could be confirmed as having a protective influence against delinquency (r=?.25?.27). Theoretical and practical implications for risk assessment are discussed. 相似文献
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Elke Krahmann 《European Security》2013,22(2):230-247
Abstract Climate change has become one of the greatest threats to environmental security, as attested by the growing frequency of severe flooding and storms, extreme temperatures and droughts. Accordingly, the European Union's (EU) 6th Environment Action Programme (2010) lists tackling climate change as its first priority. A key aim of the EU has been to cut CO2 emissions, a major factor in climate change, by 8 per cent until 2012 and 20 per cent until 2020. The European Commission has proposed the encouragement of private consumer market for green products and services as one of several solutions to this problem. However, existing research suggests that the market share of these products has been only 3 per cent, although 30 per cent of individuals favour environmental and ethical goods. This article uses Public Goods Theory to explain why the contribution of the green consumer market to fighting climate change has been and possibly may remain limited without further public intervention. 相似文献
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Dr. iur. Christian Traulsen 《Natur und Recht》2007,29(12):800-802
Das neueste Urteil des Bundesverwaltungsgerichts zum Schlachten warmblütiger Tiere ohne vorherige Bet?ubung („Sch?chten“)
bringt keine Handreichung für die praktischen Probleme bei der Anwendung des § 4a Abs. 2 Nr. 2 TierSchG, trifft aber wichtige
verfassungsrechtliche Aussagen. Die Vorschrift ist demnach auch nach der Aufnahme des Tierschutzes als Staatsziel in Art.
20a GG weiterhin verfassungskonform. Für eine Ausnahmegenehmigung reicht es unver?ndert aus, dass, wie bereits vom BVerfG
entschieden, der Antragsteller gemeinsam mit einer nennenswerten Zahl Gleichgesinnter aus seinem Glauben das zwingende Verbot
des Verzehrs von Fleisch nicht gesch?chteter Tiere herleitet. 相似文献
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Dr. iur. Christoph Palme 《Natur und Recht》2008,30(4):254-254
Ohne Zusammenfassung 相似文献
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