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171.
The COVID-19 crisis demanded rapid, widespread policy action. In response, nations turned to different forms of social distancing policies to reduce the spread of the virus. These policies were implemented globally, proving as contagious as the virus they are meant to prevent. Yet, variation in their implementation invites questions as to how and why countries adopt social distancing policies, and whether the causal mechanisms driving these policy adoptions are based on internal resources and problem conditions or other external factors such as conditions in other countries. We leverage daily changes in international social distancing policies to understand the impacts of problem characteristics, institutional and economic context, and peer effects on social distancing policy adoption. Using fixed-effects models on an international panel of daily data from 2020, we find that peer effects, particularly mimicry of geographic neighbors, political peers, and language agnates drive policy diffusion and shape countries' policy choices. 相似文献
172.
Ben Wagner 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(4):739-744
Between public debates about ‘hacking’ elections, so-called ‘fake news’ and online disinformation campaigns, it has become hard to imagine what free and fair elections in a digital environment could look like. This challenge is particularly pronounced for election observers who monitor free and fair elections. How should election observers fulfil this task when reliable data in online media campaigns are often not even available to media regulators? The following article provides a brief overview of existing challenges around online content regulation and how these apply to elections and election observation. It then considers where resources for digital electoral observation exist and how most effectively to build on these before, in conclusion, discussing next steps and potential opportunities to develop digital election observation further. 相似文献
173.
Daniel S. Shaw Eric F. Wagner Ph.D. student in clinical psychology Jeffrey Arnett Mark S. Aber 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1992,21(3):305-323
In this study, the relative fits of three different factor-structure models of adolescent reckless behavior were examined using the Reckless Behavior Questionnaire (RBQ) with individual samples of college and high school students. Both one- and two-factor models were found to be satisfactory representations of the RBQ with both samples. In order to test the construct validity of the one- and two-factor models, relations between instruments generally associated with reckless behavior were examined by gender. Using the two-factor model, gender differences were found for both the college and high school samples; thus, it was determined to be the more parsimonious fit of the data given previous research supporting gender differences. Findings are discussed in terms of current conceptualizations of factor patterns of adolescent problem behavior and implications for future investigations.B.A. from Oberlin College, and M.A. and Ph.D. in Psychology from University of Virginia. Research interests are development of aggression and correlates of reckless behavior.B.A. from University of Akron and M.S. from University of Pittsburgh. Research interests are addictive behaviors and psychopathology in adolescence.Formerly Assistant Professor at Ogelthorpe University (1985–1988). Received B.S. from Michigan State University, and M.A. and Ph.D. from University of Virginia. Research interest is development of reckless behavior.Received B.A. from Yale University, and M.A. and Ph.D. from University of Virginia. Research interests are developmental psychopathology and adolescence. 相似文献
174.
175.
Richard E. Wagner 《Public Choice》2011,149(1-2):151-165
Most thinking about political economy treats states as unitary actors. In contrast, this paper treats states as ecologies of politically-based enterprises. Where a market is a congeries of business enterprises, a state is a congeries of political enterprises. Both sets of enterprises compete with one another in a setting where those who manage corporate capital are largely separate from those who supply it. Competition among political enterprises, however, cannot generate market prices because of the inalienability of property rights. In consequence, what arises is a system of pricing and calculation that exists parasitically upon the system of market prices. 相似文献
176.
177.
Richard E. Wagner 《Public Choice》2014,158(1-2):9-10
178.
Amanzhol Bekmagambetov Kevin M. Wagner Zhaxylyk Sabitov Adil Rodionov Bagysh Gabdulina 《Central Asian Survey》2018,37(4):526-545
ABSTRACTIn political regimes where traditional mass media are under state control, social networking sites may be the only place where citizens are exposed to and exchange dissident information. Despite all the attempts, complete control of social media seems to be implausible. We argue that the critical information that people see, read and share online undermines their trust in political institutions. This diminishing trust may threaten the legitimacy of the ruling regime and stimulate protest behaviour. We rely on original survey data of Kazakhstani college students to confirm these expectations. The data are unique in that they directly measure exposure to critical/dissident information, as opposed to simply assuming it. The analysis leverages Coarsened Exact Matching to simulate experimental conditions. This allows us to better identify the consequential mechanism and the attitudinal precursor by which social media influence protest in an authoritarian context. 相似文献
179.
180.
Kenna Lewis MS Rebecca Wagner PhD Sandra E. Rodriguez‐Cruz PhD Michael J. Weaver BS Jonathan C. Dumke PhD 《Journal of forensic sciences》2021,66(1):285-294
The analysis of cannabis plant material submitted to seized‐drug laboratories was significantly affected by the signing of the Agricultural Improvement Act of 2018, which defined hemp and removed it from the definition of marijuana in the Controlled Substances Act. As a result, field law enforcement personnel and forensic laboratories now are in need of implementing new protocols that can distinguish between marijuana‐type and hemp‐type cannabis. Colorimetric tests provide a cost‐effective and efficient manner to presumptively identify materials prior to submission to a laboratory for analysis. This work presents the validation of the 4‐aminophenol (4‐AP) color test and demonstrates its utility for discriminating between marijuana‐type and hemp‐type cannabis (i.e., typification). Validation studies included the testing of numerous cannabinoid reference materials, household herbs, previously characterized cannabis plant samples, and real‐case samples. The 4‐AP test reliably produces a pink result when the level of Δ9‐tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) is approximately three times lower than the level of cannabidiol (CBD). A blue result is generated when the level of THC is approximately three times higher than that of CBD. Inconclusive results are observed when the levels of THC and CBD are within a factor of three from each other, demonstrating the limitations of the test under those scenarios. 相似文献