中、日、韩农产品贸易争端分析及中国的对策

中国加入世界贸易组织 (WTO)后 ,中、日、韩 3国之间的农产品贸易领域进一步扩大 ,同时其贸易争端也与日俱增。尤其是蔬菜、水果等农产品的双边贸易摩擦日益加剧。面对中、日、韩 3国农产品贸易形势的新变化 ,中国应当审时度势 ,加快农业技术引进 ,增加农产品的科技含量 ,从而提高农产品质量和国际竞争力 ,并采取各种灵活的措施应对可能出现的贸易摩擦 ,更好地维护自己的利益。     

The 'Lessons' of Dictatorship: Political Learning and the Military in Chile

This article argues that political learning with regard to civil-military relations in Chile has proved an obstacle to democratization. In the postauthoritarian period, both the armed forces and political parties have referred to history when considering civil-military reform, especially with regard to how to avoid a repeat of the conflict of the Unidad Popular period. Meanwhile, the military also utilizes the Spanish example when resisting changes it feels are inimical to its interests. The 'lessons' each takes from the past directly influence political strategies and the overall result is that while civilian rule continues, democratic civil-military relations are not necessarily advanced.     

Le Pouvoir Sémiologique du mot `souveraineté' dans L'oeuvre de Bodin

Le mot `souveraineté' procure un exemple fort del'effet sémiologique du langage,c'est-à-dire de son pouvoir social dans leprocessus continu et continuel de créationde la réalité humaine. Le textepropose d'examiner ce signe linguistique àl'époque de son introduction par Bodin, au16ième siècle, mettant en lumièreson impact social sur la conscience commune del'humanité, et ce, en adoptant une approchequi s'inspire de la déconstruction deDerrida. Ainsi, tout en considérantl'oeuvre dans son contexte immédiat etélargi, une analyse déconstructionistede Six Livres de la Republiquedémontre que, au moyen du mot`souveraineté,' Bodin voulait placer le Roide France au sommet d'une structurehiérarchique de pouvoir unique. Cetteidée de pyramide d'autorité ressortclairement du discours dans lequel se trouve lesigne linguistique, qui met en jeu l'opposition``plus-haut-pouvoir-unifié' versus``pouvoir-décentralisé-subordonné.' Depuis ce temps, le mot `souveraineté' n'acessé d'avoir un pouvoir sémiologiqueconsidérable sur la conscience commune dessociétés, incluant évidemment cellede la société internationale.     

“Spin-In” Technology Transfer for Small R&D Bio-Technology Firms: The Case of Bio-Defense

This study investigates the types of factors which can lead to government acquisition, or the “spin-in” of bio-defense technologies from small bio-technology firms. Empirical findings suggest that for small biotechnology R&D firms desiring to increase “spin-in” technology transfer, there appears to be two distinct and important influence groups—the scientific community within federal agencies, institutes, and centers, and the more managerial, policy-oriented decisions makers. We found that personal communication and networking appear to be the primary factor that leads to a successful technology transfer, however, the form and substance of personal communication and networking will differ between the two influence groups.     

WOMEN'S AND MEN'S VIEWS OF MEDIATION IN VOLUNTARY AND MANDATORY MEDIATION SETTINGS

This article reports findings regarding women in mediation from a combined group of 184 persons who received mediation services from the Alameda County Superior Court Family Court Services or the Northern California Mediation Center. This empirical study refutes many of the criticisms of mediation by some feminist critics of the process.     

Austen Chamberlain and the continental balance of power: strategy, stability, and the league of nations, 1924-29

As foreign secretary from November 1924 to June 1929, Austen Chamberlain dominated British foreign policy. Central to his diplomatic strategy was the maintenance of the European balance of power and, in this circumstance, pursuit of a leadership role for Britain within the League of Nations. The foundation upon which Chamberlain based his European strategy lay with his determination to have Britain play the vital role of stabilizing relations between France and Germany, whose mutual antipathy after the Great War, compounded by the severity of the Treaty of Versailles, threatened continental security. By October 1925, his work bore fruit with the conclusion of the Locarno agreements. For the remainder of his tenure at the Foreign Office, Chamberlain used Locarno - and Germany's membership in the League that was part of that settlement - as the diplomatic mechanism to underwrite his strategic conception of the balance of power. This article addresses the neglected issue of the strategic base of Chamberlain's European policy and addresses three criticisms of his record as foreign secretary.