劳动关系新变化和工会工作新进展——全国工会学研究会、中国工人历史与现状研究会2007年年会综述

重视薪酬分配,理顺分配关系,促进劳动关系和谐稳定。《劳动合同法》的宗旨是着重保护劳方利益,兼顾资方利益,实现和维持劳资双方利益平衡。要构建和谐的劳动关系,首先要重构工会理论体系,构建和谐工会。企业承担一定的社会责任,既能够促进企业发展,又能够造福于社会,使社会诸方面都成为企业发展的受益者。创新企业工会领导体制是实现企业工会社会价值的关键所在。     

我国行政执法理论研究的回顾与思考

行政执法是行政主体依照法定职权和程序 ,针对具体事件 ,执行行政法律规范的专门活动。行政执法的特点有待进一步研究。行政执法的基本原则为合法性、合理性、效率性、受监督性和程序性。我国行政执法滞后的主要表现是 :行政立法滞后 ;有法不依、执法不严 ;执法者违法 ;执法体制不健全 ;违法案件居高不下。加强和改善行政执法工作要抓好各方面的工作     

宁夏文化自觉的历史新起点

无法忘怀的2008年,宁夏人在思想解放中实现新觉醒、在文化定位中创造新自量、在精神激昂中形成新感悟,文化自觉的大潮时时掀起波涛,出现了前所未有的新气象,宁夏的文化自觉进入了历史新起点。     

论藏传佛教在蒙古地区的传播

藏传佛教是蒙古族人民崇奉的宗教,在几百年的变迁中经历蒙元时期统治阶级对喇嘛教的接纳、明朝、北元时期喇嘛教的大规模传入、清朝政府对喇嘛教的政策时期。藏传佛教是蒙古地区不能替代的宗教。     

电击伤后大鼠心肌TIMP-1表达的实验研究

目的探讨心脏电击伤后心肌金属蛋白酶组织抑制物（TIMP-1）随时间变化的规律及其法医学意义。方法220V低压电电击复制大鼠电击伤模型，采用免疫组化方法和图像分析技术，观测电击伤后不同时间点心肌TIMP-1免疫组化反应的表达情况及其面积积分光密度，并对所测数据进行统计学分析。结果电击伤后心肌TIMP-1阳性细胞在伤后0．5h内开始增加，24～72h达到高峰，随后逐渐减少，至12d时恢复到正常水平。结论电击伤后心脏TIMP-1阳性表达细胞数呈现一定的时序性变化，可望将其用作推断电击伤后经过时间的指标之一。     

我国市场准入告知承诺制的法治构建

市场准入告知承诺制是近年来我国优化营商环境的重要举措,是市场准入领域实现经济效益和交易安全衡平的重要改革.我国市场准入告知承诺制的法律尚不健全,适用范围、事前审查、事中监管、事后惩戒及责任承担等法治建设亟待推进.市场准入告知承诺制在一般性市场准入应当予以广泛适用,但特别许可市场准入应当避免对实质审查的替代.市场准入告知...     

马克思道德话语的建构逻辑

马克思与西方经典哲学家在道德理论上的区别在于,他没有像后者那样把"道德"看作由"神"或"人"的活动的产物,而是将道德看作与人的发展并行存在的一种社会形式。通过对传统资本主义道德理论的研究,马克思将"竞争""异化""共同体"作为新的道德话语,构建了无产阶级的叙述范式和道德价值的评价标准。历史唯物主义的发展与道德价值理论的发展在马克思的理论中得到了充分的统一,物质生产与道德发展成为人的社会实践的有机组成部分,道德话语的不断发展所形成的话语形式将会在"真正的共同体"的政治生态中成为社会秩序的依附标准。     

超常轨化运行:驻村工作队的角色塑造与运作逻辑 ——基于陕南L村的田野调查

决胜脱贫攻坚期间,向贫困村派驻工作队是贯彻落实党中央精准扶贫精准脱贫政策、全面建成小康社会的一种重要工作方式,也是党中央开展农村工作长期以来形成的一种有效工作机制。在项目扶贫场域中,驻村工作队的角色定位与运行逻辑既非一种"科层化运作"的"常轨"运行,又非一种"反科层化运作"的"逆轨"运行,而是一种超越"常轨""逆轨"等运行方式的"超常轨化运行"实践样态。这样一种运行实践的内在逻辑机理,可以从宏观层面的压力型体制下运动式和动员式的治理路径依赖、中观层面的组织场域下富有弹性化和灵活性的制度执行过程、微观层面的乡土逻辑下人格化和自利性的行为互动等三个维度加以阐释。     

“Sovereignty as Responsibility”: Intellectual Sources, Evolving Paths, and Theoretical Debates

“Sovereignty as Responsibility” or “Responsible Sovereignty” has emerged as a new issue in IR and sovereignty studies. On the one hand, its emergence stems from the historical logic of sovereignty and its inherent legitimacy requirements; on the other hand, it is also a theoretical choice for dealing with current global issues and puzzles. In essence, “Sovereignty as Responsibility” is not a direct challenge or straightforward deviation from traditional sovereignty theories. During its transfer from Right to Responsibility, “Sovereignty as Responsibility” is actually a consequent product of sovereignty traditions (like Great-Power Responsibility). At the same time, it is also a developing term that enriches its meanings and contents in the process of concept building. Its connotation expands from the functions of “protection” and “prevention” to the function of “building” and even “care.” In general, studies of “Sovereignty as Responsibility” have gradually diverged into two different approaches; Libertarianism and Communitarianism. As a new-born framework, “Sovereignty as Responsibility” has demonstrated several theoretical characteristics in terms of structure, logic, standard, as well as content and levels. However, it also confronts some disputes in terms of theory and challenges in practice.     

Time to up the game? Middle Eastern security and Chinese strategic involvement

In view of the resources invested by China in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the geopolitical-security dynamics at play, it is helpful to examine the notable security risks and uncertainties of the project. Embedded in this broad context, the paper at hand zooms in on one of the world’s most volatile regions—the Middle East, situated strategically at the juncture of the overland and seaborne routes. Substantively, it focuses on the security dynamics in the region and China’s current engagement therein, with a view to assessing whether and the extent to which China will boost its strategic presence in the BRI context. Some conclusions can be drawn from the research. First, the Middle East faces a multiplicity of security risks and challenges, compounded by a problematic existing security architecture based on inadequate cooperation among regional actors and questionable ad hoc interventions by major outside powers. Second, China’s current relations in Middle Eastern countries have been overwhelmingly economic and driven by energy. Its political-security presence, albeit growing, remains marginal. Third, given the imperatives for China to play a more substantial role in Middle Eastern security (not least the need to ensure the BRI’s security) and the risks/costs of doing so, it would make sense that China seeks to step up its game in areas that are conductive to stabilising the region and yet do not entail intensively investing strategic resources and publicly taking sides (e.g. infrastructure and conflict mediation). This offers reasonable prospect of further EU-China cooperation.