Deaths from drug overdose and toxicity in Turkey: 1997-2001

Turkey is located on the main overland connection between Asia and Europe, making the country potentially vulnerable to drug trafficking and its associated harms. The aim of the present study is to explore the frequency of all deaths from drug overdose and toxicity in Turkey and to describe some of the characteristics of these deaths. We collected data on all deaths from drugs in Turkey between 1997 and 2001 using records from the Council of Forensic Medicine. Data obtained from autopsy reports were retrospectively analyzed. In the present study, 374 deaths from drugs were reported in Turkey, with a mortality rate of 0.17 per 100,000 population. Highest mortality rates were found in Istanbul (0.83) and Gaziantep (0.71). The mean age was 34.0, and most cases (71.7%) were below the age of 40. The proportion of female cases was 13.6%. Opiates were implicated in 91.5% of deaths and benzodiazepines in 25.9%. Two fifths (38.8%) of the cases involved use of more than 1 drug. In 36.6% of cases, the route of final drug administration was by injection. The most common location of death was at a home (33.7%). Interventions to reduce drug use nationally are urgently required. International cooperation in social-educational activities, scientific research, and security measures is essential for this war.     

On norms, rule breaking, and security communities: a constructivist response

Debates and disagreements about the Association of SoutheastAsian Nations (ASEAN) and its status as a security communityare longstanding. In offering one of the first systematic, constructivisttreatments of the subject, Acharya (2001) has helped catalyzenew theoretical interest in Southeast Asia, as well as new debate— as illustrated by Nicholas Khoo's (2004) recent bookreview, in which he challenged Acharya's conclusion about ASEAN's‘nascent’ or ‘ascendant’ security communitystatus. This article continues the debate by offering a constructivistreply to Khoo's review. Although Khoo raises some pointed questionsabout Acharya's thesis, his discussion may be overly broad inits treatment of norms and their effects. Khoo may also missimportant constructivist insights into process and constitution— aspects of which could have been more explicity elaboratedby Acharya.     

Anthropological data in individualization of skeletal remains from a forensic context in Kosovo--a case history

There are many reports relating to victims and mass graves in the former Yugoslavia. They emphasize the importance of creating local skeletal identification standards. In this paper we deal with the first mass grave examined since the Kosovo crisis started and discuss problems regarding the identification process, especially the coincidence of antemortem with postmortem data. Twelve persons out of 39 bodies were identified using interviews with relatives and correspondence of biological data with personal effects and/or documents. Previous pathology was of crucial importance in the identification of three persons.     

The three phases of rock music in the Czech lands

In the Czech lands (included in Czechoslovakia until the end of 1992), rock music has evolved through three phases. In the first phase, lasting until 1968, rock musicians had no ambition to offer social or political commentaries. This began as the era of rock ‘n’ roll, which is to say music being performed for dancing. The second phase began after the Soviet bloc invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968, lasting until the end of the communist era in 1989. In this phase, rock musicians (no longer playing rock ‘n’ roll were closely monitored by the authorities and were expected to sing happy songs, submitting their song texts to the authorities for approval in advance of performing them. In spite of this control, some rock groups purposefully sang political texts in the 1970s and 1980s, mocking or criticizing the communists, albeit often cryptically. Finally, in the third phase – since 1989 – having lost their ideological foe, Czech rock groups have for the most part become politically disengaged.     

Semiotics and urban culture: architectural projections of structuralism in a socialist context

The paper studies the relations between architecture, urbanism and structural anthropology, and makes a contribution to the interpretation of how the architects of former Yugoslavia translated structuralism into architectural theory and practice as a means of reading and shaping Yugoslav culture in the context of radical socio-political change. In striving for freedom of opinion, expression, communication and action, and autonomy of scientific and cultural practices, the Yugoslav society through its avant-garde cultural role initiated a shift of focus in urban culture towards semiotics, historicity, dialectics, creativity, criticism and a revival of the humanistic values of traditional culture. From this viewpoint, the paper examines the interests in theory and practice of the most influential Yugoslav architects in the context of structuralism: Mutnjakovi?, Neidhardt, Grabrijan, Bogdanovi? and Delalle. Their theoretical approaches effected a change of functionalist principles and values and advocated the return of values of the old city centre and vernacular architecture, specifically its vitality, symbolism, historical continuity, environmental values and diverse urban forms.     

Alan Patten’s theory of equal recognition and its contribution to the debate over multiculturalism

In this introduction, we first give a brief overview of the debate over multiculturalism in political theory. We then situate Alan Patten’s Equal Recognition in that context by highlighting his major normative thesis, according to which there are reasons of principle, in a liberal democracy, to grant special forms of public recognition and accommodation to cultural minorities. Finally, we present a succinct summary of the nine articles that follow this introduction and that critically engage with Patten’s arguments.     

Normative political theory,democratic politics and minority rights

In Equal Recognition, Alan Patten argues that in a proper relationship between normative political theory and democratic politics, we must make a clear distinction between two questions related to cultural rights: (a) authority (who should decide?) and (b) the substance of deliberation. The question he wants to explore, however, is not the authority question but the substantive question. The aim of this article is to show that an account of equal recognition cannot bracket out the democratic element. It argues, first, that Equal Recognition does not live up to its initial promise, as it contains a number of reflections and recommendations (on language rights, on secession, on the rights of migrants’ cultures) that either explicitly or implicitly include the democratic element. Second, it points at other important areas of political decision-making – such as electoral system design, districting, referendums, quotas – in which it is quite clear that in order to extend equal recognition to minority cultures, we are obliged to take decisions related to the design of democratic institutions.     

Back to the future,forward to the past: Croatian politics of memory in the European Parliament

This paper discusses the way in which a post-conflict European Union (EU) member immediately after accession both shapes and adapts to EU memory politics as a part of its Europeanization process. I will analyze how the country responds to the top-down pressures of Europeanization in the domestic politics of memory by making proactive attempts at exporting its own politics of memory (discourses, policies, and practices) to the EU level. Drawing evidence from Croatian EU accession, I will consider how Croatian members of the European Parliament “upload” domestic memory politics to the EU level, particularly to the European Parliament. Based on the analysis of elite interviews, discourses, parliamentary duties, agenda-setting, and decision-making of Croatian MEPs from 2013 to 2016, I argue that the parliament serves both as a locus for confirmation of European identity through promotion of countries’ EU memory credentials and as a new forum for affirmation of national identity. The preservation of the “Homeland War” narrative (1991–1995) and of the “sacredness” of Vukovar as a European lieu de mémoire clearly influences the decision-making of Croatian MEPs, motivating inter-group support for policy building and remembrance practices that bridge domestic political differences.