新时期加强党的执政能力建设刍议

加强党的执政能力建设是新时期我党第三代领导集体提出的党建目标.加强党的执政能力建设,一要加强思想理论建设,提高党员干部的马列主义理论水平和科学文化知识水平;二要加强作风建设,密切党群关系;三要加强制度建设,真正做到依法执政.     

浅论扩大中国共产党的群众基础——学习江泽民"七一"讲话

江泽民同志在"七一"讲话中明确提出中国共产党要不断扩大群众基础.本文认为,新的历史条件下,"三个代表"要求中国共产党扩大群众基础;非公有制经济企业及从业人员的社会主义性质为中国共产党实现这一目标创造了前提条件;而"中国工人阶级的先锋队、中国人民和中华民族的先锋队"则为扩大群众基础指明了方向.因此,扩大党的群众基础是新历史条件下党中央所作出的重大科学决策.     

Polycentric Systems and Multiscale Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation in the Built Environment

Addressing climate change requires consideration of mitigation and adaptation opportunities at multiple spatial scales. This is particularly true in the built environment, defined here to include individual buildings, neighborhoods, and the spaces between. The current U.S. political environment portends fewer resources and coordinating services for mitigation and adaptation at the federal level, however, reinforcing the relevance and necessity of actions at subnational levels. In this study, we evaluate the applicability of a polycentric model of governance to the implementation of mitigation and adaptation practices, as well as the presence of polycentric systems in the built environment. We assemble a database of practices with the potential to achieve both mitigation and adaptation objectives, as well as those that may be cross‐purposed or that may achieve one but not the other. We review practices to gauge the applicability of a polycentric model of governance to mitigation and adaptation practices in the built environment, and examine the attributes of three existing adaptation and/or mitigation programs to assess the extent to which they exhibit polycentric attributes. We conclude with recommendations for a broader research agenda, including efforts to develop more in‐depth examinations into individual programs and comparative analysis of performances of different governance attributes.     

Differences in Handwritings of Schizophrenia Patients and Examination of the Change after Treatment

The aim of this study was to analyze the differences between the handwritings of schizophrenia patients and healthy subjects in addition to the changes that occurred in schizophrenia patients' handwriting in response to the treatment. The test subjects were 29 schizophrenia patients and 29 healthy individuals with the same age, gender, and dominant hand. The changes in the handwritings were examined according to 14 different parameters. On the day of admittance, the percentage of extra letters was 16.7%, and after 7–10 days of hospitalization, it rose to 33.3%. The percentage of skipped words decreased from 29.2% to 16.7% after 7–10 days of hospitalization, and to 10% after 3 weeks. The letters written by schizophrenia patients are significantly larger in height and width compared to the control group. The schizophrenia patients showed a higher incidence of crossed-out letters, adding extra words, missing punctuation as well as missing words.     

"三个代表"重要思想是科学的理论体系

“三个代表”重要思想正确回答了有关党建和社建历史、现实、未来的一系列基本问题 ,且多方面发展了马克思主义。它是系统地而非零星地回答了上述基本问题。它将全面指导和推进党和国家的各项实践。因此 ,“三个代表”重要思想是科学的理论体系。     

中国近代政治思潮的演变过程及其历史必然性

近代中国人民围绕着救国救民、求强求富进行了长达一百多年的探索和奋斗。为此,先后出现了洋务思潮、改良思潮和革命思潮等来指导其社会实践活动。每种思潮的产生和发展都与当时的国情密切相关,因此有其特定的历史必然性。     

延安时期王明挑战毛泽东领袖地位始末

30年代初,连中央委员都不是的王明在米夫的支持下一跃成为中央政治局委员。从此,以教条主义为特征的王明“左”倾路线在党中央开始长达四年的统治,其结果是中央红军被迫开始了漫漫长征。遵义会议后毛泽东逐渐成为中共领导层的核心和领袖,而走下权力巅峰的王明则去苏联,在共产国际任职。抗日战争初期,王明回国。他以共产国际自居,目空一切,独断专行,颐指气使,企图夺取中央最高领导权。毛泽东同王明的错误观点和路线进行坚决的斗争,排除了王明机会主义对权力的挑战。党的七大最终确立了毛泽东思想在全党的指导地位。     

Chelex-100法提取滤纸血痕DNA影响因素的比较

目的改进滤纸血痕DNA提取方法,建立更简便、廉价,适合当前DNA建库需要的提取方法。方法将752份滤纸血痕分成四组,分别按照四种不同的Chelex-100法进行DNA提取并进行比较研究;63份新鲜血痕分别按照两种方法提取并进行对比研究。结果对于陈旧滤纸血痕,四种提取方法的检测成功率无显著差异(P>0.05);对于新鲜血痕,两种提取方法的检测成功率有显著差异(P<0.05)。结论对于建库陈旧滤纸血痕样本的DNA提取可采用不加纯水处理,直接加入Chelex-100的方法进行。     

Making Sense of Turkey’s Reaction to the Qatar Crisis

ABSTRACT

When the Qatar crisis erupted in June 2017, Turkey quickly sided with Qatar, sending tons of food supplies and deploying troops in the Emirate. Yet, from a purely geopolitical and economic perspective, Turkey would have been expected not to take sides given its much larger trade relations with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, and their political clout in the region and beyond. It seems that the path dependence in bilateral relations between Turkey and Qatar pre-ordained the former’s reaction. More specifically, by the time the Gulf crisis erupted, Turkey and Qatar had already developed a special relationship, which strongly affected Turkey’s pro-Qatar stance.