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291.
General practitioners (GPs) are assumed to occupy an important position in the prevention of suicide through the introduction of risk assessment techniques commonly used in psychiatric practice. Despite this theoretical role for primary care services, it remains unclear how frequently GPs implement risk assessment in patients who may be vulnerable to suicide. To address this, a retrospective survey of probable suicides was conducted within a primary care setting utilizing a questionnaire of GPs who had experienced a patient suicide and was augmented by hospital and coroners' records. 85% of questionnaires were returned and 61 deaths were adjudged as suicides during the year long census period. 75% of suicides were male and 54% were aged under 35.28% were in contact with psychiatric services prior to death, although 60% had some diagnosis of mental disorder. GPs had little knowledge of a patient's life circumstances in up to half of cases. Recording of risk assessment occurred in 38% of subjects, was positively associated with prior psychiatric contact (p = 0.001) but negatively associated with presence of physical illness (p = 0.004), older patient age (p = 0.04), and GPs length in practice (p = 0.05). One GP felt their suicide case was preventable. The low rate of risk assessment and limited knowledge of patient lifestyle point to the need for active engagement of GPs in future suicide prevention strategies and should influence the content of training programs in primary care. 相似文献
292.
Mark B. Salter 《Citizenship Studies》2008,12(4):365-380
Borders are a unique political space, in which both sovereignty and citizenship are performed by individuals and sovereigns. Using the work of Agamben and Foucault, this article examines how decisions made at the border alienate each and every traveler crossing the frontier, not simply the ‘sans papiers’ or refugees. The governmentality at play in the border examination relies on an embedded confessionary complex and the ‘neurotic citizen’, as well as structures of identity, documentation, and data management. The state border is a permanent state of exception that clearly demonstrates the importance of biopolitics to the smooth operation of sovereign power. 相似文献
293.
George J. Bedard Stephen B. Lawion 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2000,43(3):241-269
Abstract: This article describes the evolution of three different models in educational policy‐making in Ontario. In the late 1960s, education policy moved away from reliance on a traditional, centralized, administrative‐agency approach and gravitated towards a decentralized, asymmetrical policy interdependence that dominated until the mid‐1990s. The ndp government erected a more centralized scaffolding, with the centre undertaking a greater tutelary role vis à vis local authorities. The aim was to make more transparent the rules and standards by which local authorities, trustees and educators would operate and be held accountable. The education minister also sought to bolster local democracy by widening local parental participation in decision‐making, Since 1995, the Conservative government has erected a politicized administrative agency that has adopted a confrontational stance towards stakeholders, reduced the powers of school board trustees, decimated middle‐level professional staffing, and muffled teacher union executives. Decision‐making now seems to reside with Harris advisers and key cabinet ministers, whose stance is driven by an amalgam of neo‐liberal and neo‐conservative ideology and by voter opinion. This neo‐conservative approach differs in its embrace of a social conservatism ‐ that government maintain social order and that excessive concern for individual choice and liberty not be allowed to undermine it. Harris' social conservatism, in its K‐12 reforms, includes an embrace of regulation, hierarchy, monopoly and uniformity in the design of public policy. Sommaire: Cet article décrit l'évolution de trois modèles différents d'élaboration de politiques en matière d'éducation en Ontario. Vers la fin des anébes 1960, ces politiques d'éducation ne suivaient plus l'approche classique et centralisée caractéristique d'un organisme administratif; elles tendaient plutôt vers une interdépendance décentralisée et asymétrique, qui prédomina jusqu'au milieu des années 1990. Le gouvemement néo‐démocrate érigea une structure plus centralisée qui accordait au centre un plus grand rôle tutelaire par rapport aux autorités locales. Ceci, aux fins d'une plus grande transparence des règles et normes de fonctionnement et de redev‐abilité pour les autorités locales, les conseillers scolaires et les enseignants. Le minis‐tre de l'Éducation s'est efforcé aussi de favoriser la démocratic locale en amplifiant la participation parentale dans la prise de décisions. Depuis 1995, le gouvemement conservateur a éigé un organisme administratif politicisé qui a adopté des positions conflictuelles envers les intervenants, qui a réduit les pouvoirs des conseillers scolaires et qui a sabré dans les rangs du personnel professionnel de niveau intermédi‐aire tout en muselant les dirigeants syndicaux des enseignants. II semblerait que les décisions sont maintenant prises par les conseillers de Harris et par certains de ses ministres ‐ clé, poussés par l'opinion des électeurs et une idélogie à la fois néo‐libérale et néo‐conservatrice. Cette approche néo‐conservatrice embrasse un certain conservatisme social: le gouvemement doit maintenir l'ordre social qui ne doit pas être sapé par une trop grande préocupation concemant la liberté et les choix personnels. Le conservatisme social de Harris dans le cadre des réformes scolaires fait appel à la réglementation, à la hiérarchie, au monopole et à l'uniformité dans l'élaboration des politiques gouvemementales. 相似文献
294.
Zora Bútorová 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2009,22(4):557-578
The author analyzes Slovakia's road to democracy since the Velvet Revolution of 1989 and pays special attention to the changes
in women's position in the society. In the first section, she outlines crucial transition challenges and milestones. The second
section, central to the study, shows the last two decades in gender perspective. It starts by explaining women's lukewarm
attitudes toward gender issues both during socialism and at the threshold of the new era. The chapter discusses women's persistent
marginalization in politics, contrasting this with their active role in civil society. It cites enduring inequalities in the
labor market as well as the lingering patriarchal division of responsibilities within families and outlines changes in the
patterns of family and private life. Although women in Slovakia as well as men have become more aware of gender inequalities,
politicians have remained reluctant to embrace a “gender agenda.” A typical feature of contemporary Slovakia is the gap between
official documents promoting gender equality, approved under pressure from the European Union, and their implementation in
practice. The main actor attempting to close this gap is the pluralist sector of women's nongovernmental organizations that
has undergone remarkable growth and diversification. All these elements and processes constitute the setting in which the
2009 presidential election took place. For the first time in Slovakia's history, an incumbent president was seriously challenged
by a popular female politician. The third section of the study analyzes the gender dimensions of this unique race. 相似文献
295.
B Budowle 《Forensic science international》1987,33(3):187-196
A method is described for subtyping group-specific component (Gc) derived from human bloodstains. Bloodstained cuttings were extracted in 6 M urea. The extracts were subjected to ultrathin-layer polyacrylamide gel isoelectric focusing in the pH 4.5-5.4 range. After isoelectric focusing, Gc was detected by immunofixation in cellulose acetate membranes. This method permitted the successful typing of Gc in at least four-month-old bloodstains maintained at room temperature. Bloodstains from 266 liquid blood samples of known origin were subjected to both this method and immunofixation conventional agarose gel electrophoresis with no phenotypic discrepancies observed. The Gc population data for Whites from Baltimore, Maryland, were homogeneous with white sample populations from other geographical locations within the U.S.A.; while Gc data from northern U.S.A. black sample populations appeared to be heterogeneous compared with a southern United States black sample population. 相似文献
296.
Evidence is presented regarding strengths and limitations of portfolio approaches as applied to diversifying export earnings. An empirical application using data from Malawi, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe is used to demonstrate these strengths and limitations. Modifications of the typical portfolio approach to export diversification are presented; these modifications help make the approach more plausible for use in developing countries. The modified approach is shown to provide guidance to policymakers who seek simultaneously to increase export earnings and reduce their instability. 相似文献
297.
B. Douglas Skelley 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(2):179-206
Because there has been considerable interest in the Japanese management model, this study explores its limitations for the American setting and particularly the American public sector. These limitations include (1) cultural barriers, (2) the incompleteness of the model, and (3) undesirable elements in the model. This analysis concludes that there is little new in humanistic or participative terms to be found in the Japanese approach. Despite several objectionable elements in the model, some of its devices are instructive and may be carefully adapted to public sector use, but adoption of the whole model is unlikely and undesirable. 相似文献
298.
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