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131.
Fentanyl concentrations in 23 postmortem cases from the hennepin county medical examiner's office 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Thompson JG Baker AM Bracey AH Seningen J Kloss JS Strobl AQ Apple FS 《Journal of forensic sciences》2007,52(4):978-981
The purpose of this study was to compare blood fentanyl concentrations in fentanyl-related deaths with fentanyl concentrations found incidentally at autopsy, as well as with fentanyl concentrations found in hospitalized patients receiving fentanyl. Between the years 1997 to 2005, 23 fentanyl-positive postmortem cases were identified. Nineteen of 23 (82.6%) cases were deemed to be drug overdoses. Fentanyl alone was responsible for 8 of the 19 (42.1%) overdose deaths. Mean and median fentanyl concentrations were 36 (SD 38) microg/L and 22 microg/L, respectively, range 5-120 microg/L. Seven of the cases were accidental, one undetermined. The remaining 11 of the 19 (57.9%) cases were mixed drug overdoses. Fentanyl concentrations in these cases were 31 (SD 46) microg/L, range 5-152 microg/L. All of the mixed drug overdoses were determined to be accidental. Four cases where fentanyl was considered an incidental postmortem finding were determined to be natural deaths. In hospitalized inpatients (n = 11) receiving fentanyl 2 of the patients receiving fentanyl for chronic pain for more than 3 months had concentrations of 8.5 microg/L and 9.9 microg/L. The other nine inpatient concentrations were less than 4 microg/L. In conclusion, blood fentanyl concentrations found in cases where fentanyl alone was determined to be the cause of death were similar to cases where fentanyl was part of a mixed drug overdose. There was also considerable overlap between fentanyl concentrations in fentanyl-related overdose deaths compared to hospitalized patients being treated for chronic pain. Fentanyl concentrations in postmortem cases must be interpreted in the context of the deceased's past medical history and autopsy findings. 相似文献
132.
Ria Dunkley Susan Baker Natasha Constant Angelina Sanderson-Bellamy 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2018,18(6):779-799
The IPBES conceptual framework (CF) serves an instrumental value to translate usable knowledge into policy across spatial scales, alongside a normative function to engage diverse knowledge systems, promoting inclusivity and enhancing legitimacy. It has been argued that the CF operates as a boundary object, a communication and organisation tool for those working across diverse knowledge systems, designed to help them reach shared goals. The paper focuses on this claim, exploring the three core characteristics of a boundary object: interpretive flexibility, material and organisational structure, and the recognition of dissention. We suggest that too much emphasis is placed within the CF upon interpretive flexibility, whilst meeting information needs and the work requirements of all individuals, groups and communities who use the CF are overlooked. By forcing consensus, the IPBES CF ignores the critical dimensions of a boundary object. We argue that embracing the full characteristics of a boundary object will enable the IPBES to support knowledge coproduction and translation across the knowledge systems, better achieving its goal of providing policy advice. 相似文献
133.
Md Dilsad Ahmed Rudolph Leon van Niekerk Tony Morris Thomas Baker Babar Ali Khan 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2018,42(1):33-53
The current study assessed the perceptions of acceptable sexual behaviour of coaches and the occurrence of sexual harassment among female student in India. A sample of 180 Indian female student-athletes at intercollegiate and inter-university levels with male coaches participated in this study. A questionnaire on sport-specific Touch and Behaviour versus Unwanted Intimacy from coaches (Vanden Auweele et al., 2008), consisting of 41 items on a 5-point rating scale was used. The participants were asked to indicate the acceptability of specific coaching behaviour as well as the occurrence of the behaviour represented in each item. The acceptability of the behaviour was determined by means and standard deviations, while the occurrence was determined by frequencies. Factor analysis was performed to determine the structure of the coaches’ behaviour and athletes’ acceptability thereof, which yielded four factors. Cronbach’s alpha was used to determine the internal consistency of the extracted items on each factor. Two factors, namely, unwanted sexual behaviour and inappropriate verbal and physical sexual behaviour, were regarded by athletes as very serious and unacceptable coach behaviour, while a third factor represented context-dependent suspicious behaviour (a grey area in which athletes differ in their opinion) and was perceived to be serious and unacceptable. A fourth factor represented acceptable behaviour. The occurrence of very serious and unacceptable behaviour was reported by 31% of the female athletes. 相似文献
134.
H. Robert Baker 《Frontiers of Law in China》2016,11(2):215
Magna Carta has long been understood as a source of inspiration for the U.S. Constitution, and especially its enshrinement of the writ of habeas corpus — the right of any prisoner to test his or her detention according to the law. In the “Suspension Clause” of the U.S. Constitution (Article I, Section 8), Congress is granted permission to suspend habeas corpus only “when in cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.” This article surveys two failed attempts by the U.S. government to suspend the writ of habeas corpus. The first (which was actually the very first such attempt) was in 1807 and followed revelations of the so-called Burr Conspiracy. The second (incidentally the most recent in American history) occurred during the War on Terror and culminated with the Supreme Court’s decision of Boumediene vs Bush in 2008. A close examination of these two historical episodes reveals just how different were the constitutional processes of the early republic and contemporary times. Additionally, comparing the uses of Magna Carta during the two episodes demonstrates marked changes in American political culture. Historical consciousness, vital to early Americans’ understanding of their political system, has shifted to an elite level. Likewise, the protection of fundamental liberties has migrated from the popular branch of government (Congress) to the elite one (the Supreme Court). This article considers the implication of this shift in both constitutional processes and historical consciousness. 相似文献
135.
P. A. J. Waddington Otto Adang David Baker Christopher Birkbeck Thomas Feltes Luis Gerardo Gabaldón Eduardo Paes Machado Philip Stenning 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2009,52(2):111-138
This article focuses on a research project conducted in six jurisdictions: England, The Netherlands, Germany, Australia, Venezuela,
and Brazil. These societies are very different ethnically, socially, politically, economically, historically and have wildly
different levels of crime. Their policing arrangements also differ significantly: how they are organised; how their officers
are equipped and trained; what routine operating procedures they employ; whether they are armed; and much else besides. Most
relevant for this research, they represent policing systems with wildly different levels of police shootings, Police in the
two Latin American countries represented here have a justified reputation for the frequency with which they shoot people,
whereas at the other extreme the police in England do not routinely carry firearms and rarely shoot anyone. To probe whether
these differences are reflected in the way that officers talk about the use of force, police officers in these different jurisdictions
were invited to discuss in focus groups a scenario in which police are thwarted in their attempt to arrest two youths (one
of whom is a known local criminal) by the youths driving off with the police in pursuit, and concludes with the youths crashing
their car and escaping in apparent possession of a gun, It might be expected that focus groups would prove starkly different,
and indeed they were, but not in the way that might be expected. There was little difference in affirmation of normative and
legal standards regarding the use of force. It was in how officers in different jurisdictions envisaged the circumstances
in which the scenario took place that led Latin American officers to anticipate that they would shoot the suspects, whereas
officers in the other jurisdictions had little expectation that they would open fire in the conditions as they imagined them
to be.
相似文献
P. A. J. Waddington (Corresponding author)Email: |
Otto AdangEmail: |
David BakerEmail: |
Christopher BirkbeckEmail: |
Thomas FeltesEmail: |
Luis Gerardo GabaldónEmail: |
Eduardo Paes MachadoEmail: |
Philip StenningEmail: |
136.
Prison crowding currently poses a serious problem for society. This problem is attributable to a failure to anticipate and plan for the increased numbers of individuals sentenced to prison over the last decade. Crowded prisons have forced many jurisdictions to release prisoners earlier than would have been the case with unlimited prison capacity and to initiate expensive prison construction programs. In this paper, we develop a prison population projection model that extends previous work by considering the impact of limited prison capacity on time served, releases, and future admissions. The model was demonstrated for the State of North Carolina. Results suggest the tradeoffs that exist between prison capacity and punitiveness as measured by time served in prison.Points of view are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position of the U.S. Department of Justice. 相似文献
137.
138.
In the following article, we take the example of a novel about a female spree killer to explore some fundamental issues in contemporary feminist politics around the issue of violence as a textual or practical strategy for feminism. We consider what it means for a woman to commit acts of violence against a man from a number of theoretical perspectives. We conclude that the novel Dirty Weekend illustrates that access to the male order and transgression of it must go together for any effective feminist politics. 相似文献
139.
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