首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   5550篇
  免费   100篇
各国政治   221篇
工人农民   154篇
世界政治   296篇
外交国际关系   156篇
法律   4098篇
中国政治   37篇
政治理论   636篇
综合类   52篇
  2020年   61篇
  2019年   56篇
  2018年   76篇
  2017年   75篇
  2016年   103篇
  2015年   51篇
  2014年   88篇
  2013年   425篇
  2012年   128篇
  2011年   178篇
  2010年   110篇
  2009年   95篇
  2008年   152篇
  2007年   168篇
  2006年   158篇
  2005年   139篇
  2004年   168篇
  2003年   162篇
  2002年   142篇
  2001年   278篇
  2000年   236篇
  1999年   159篇
  1998年   45篇
  1995年   34篇
  1994年   38篇
  1993年   48篇
  1992年   113篇
  1991年   139篇
  1990年   131篇
  1989年   160篇
  1988年   165篇
  1987年   148篇
  1986年   139篇
  1985年   129篇
  1984年   97篇
  1983年   93篇
  1982年   42篇
  1981年   49篇
  1979年   55篇
  1978年   48篇
  1977年   45篇
  1976年   40篇
  1975年   55篇
  1974年   60篇
  1973年   63篇
  1972年   61篇
  1971年   52篇
  1970年   52篇
  1969年   48篇
  1968年   42篇
排序方式: 共有5650条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
181.
Abstract: J.E. (Ted) Hodgetts was influenced by both the political economy approach that he learned at the University of Toronto and by the comprehensive historical method developed by Leonard White, under whom he studied at Chicago. His first great project, Pioneer Public Service, convinced him that responsible government was impossible without responsible public administration. The authors examine how his response to management theories and practices evolved following his participation in the Glassco, Lambert and Gomery commissions. Hodgetts consistently refused the complete separation of politics and administration, and he promoted the use of management techniques to strengthen parliamentary supervision of the public service. The two key components of his legacy are thus a commitment to the democratic values of representative government and the comprehensive study of the internal dynamics of public administration in interaction with the relevant environmental factors.  相似文献   
182.
183.
184.
SUMMARY

The study analyses the status and the standard of freedom of the press in Hungary in the first decade of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Special attention is paid to libel cases against nationality papers attacking the government in Pest. The author's main purpose is to discuss the limits on the freedom of the press drawn by criminal law, and in addition, to examine the accusations against the oppositional papers and the court practices involved. As a result, the study emphasizes that the picture of ‘the press under a state of siege’ could hardly be verified from the criminal procedures examined. The author does not, however, paint an idealized picture of the freedom of the press. The government in Pest was biased against the nationality papers. Yet even so, in the first ten years of Dualism juries adjusted the official criminal law policy by acquittals of authors and editors. The prosecuting magistracy therefore accepted the independence of the jury and the unreliability of the lay judges, and often withstood the demands of government departments. The members of the government of Hungary accepted the practice instituted by the prosecuting magistracy and ‘instead of strict laws and even more strict courts’ they gave up trying to rule the press by means of the criminal law. The first half of the 1870s thus became a period of a free press, indicating to what extent the parliamentary system and its government in Dualism could ‘practise liberalism without risking its own existence’.  相似文献   
185.
Netherlands International Law Review -  相似文献   
186.
187.
188.
189.
<正>In an early morning in July 1945,a strange mushroom cloud a rose in the basin of northern New Mexico,the United States,splitting the dark sky with brilliant light.That was not the first twilight of another day,but the twilight of the atomic age.Dramatically,the first explosion of a nuclear bomb was tested under the code name," The Gadget," by a team of scientists at Los Alamos under their  相似文献   
190.
The question of what is truly just in the matter of a country's currently established human-rights interpretations appears not to be the same as the question of what it is morally right to do by way of coercively effectuating a given set of such interpretations. There are grounds for contending that acts of support for a coercive political regime can be justified morally on the condition that the regime's prevailing human-rights interpretations are made continuously available to effective, democratic critical re-examination. However, it is not possible ever finally to know whether that condition is satisfied.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号