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21.
Charles B. Fleming Richard F. Catalano Monica L. Oxford Tracy W. Harachi 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》2002,18(4):423-439
The social development model (SDM) is a theory of behavior that has proven useful in explaining the etiology of delinquency, violence, and substance use among adolescents as well as early antisocial behavior among pre-adolescents. A further test of the model is its generalizability across population groups. A section of the SDM representing prosocial influences in the etiology of problem behavior was compared for boys and girls and for children from low- and non low-income families using three waves of child, parent and teacher survey data on a sample of 851 elementary school students. Multiple group structural equation modeling was used to assess differences across groups in both measurement of model constructs and hypothesized structural paths between constructs. The results indicate overall similarity in the reliability of measurement models and validity of structural models. 相似文献
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This article provides a case study of the Victorian Women on Farms Gatherings (WOFG) to redress the lack of attention political historians have paid to farm women. Using materials collected by Museum Victoria, we trace the reasons for farm women's activism during the latter part of the twentieth century, and document the activities and outcomes of the Gatherings held annually since 1990. Our study demonstrates that farm women see politics as multi-faceted and heterogeneous. In short, there are no clear binaries between the political and non-political. This demonstrates the need to avoid masculinist and conventional definitions of politics, which obscure the political activities of women. Politics should not be conceptualised in a manner which associates women as a group with informal and non-traditional political activity. This simply reinscribes the types of binaries that have encouraged the omission of women from political history. 相似文献
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Barbara Buchner Carlo Carraro 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2006,6(1):63-89
Despite the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol, the US decision not to comply with its Kyoto commitments seems to drastically undermine the effectiveness of the Protocol in controlling GHG emissions. Therefore, it is important to explore whether there are economic incentives that might help the US to modify its current decision and move to a more environmentally effective climate policy. For example, can an increased participation of developing countries induce the US to effectively participate in the effort to reduce GHG emissions? Is a single emission trading market the appropriate policy framework to increase the signatories of the Kyoto Protocol? This paper addresses the above questions by analysing whether the participation of China in the cooperative effort to control GHG emissions can provide adequate incentives for the US to re-join the Kyoto process and eventually ratify the Kyoto Protocol. This paper analyses three different climate regimes in which China could be involved and assesses the economic incentives for the major world countries and regions to participate in these three regimes. The main conclusion is that the participation of the US in a climate regime is not likely, at least in the short run. The US is more likely to adopt unilateral policies than to join the present Kyoto coalition (even when it includes China). However, a two bloc regime would become the most preferred option if both China and the US, for some political or environmental reasons, decide to cooperate on GHG emission control. If the US decides to cooperate, the climate regime that provides the highest economic incentives to the cooperating countries is the one in which China and the US cooperate bilaterally, with the Annex B?US countries remaining within the Kyoto framework. 相似文献
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Criminal justice policies may be enacted, but the actual implementation of those policies depends upon those working on the frontline. Policies that affect how cases are processed in the courtroom can be thwarted by the efforts of courtroom workgroup members. The present study analyzed how courtroom workgroups adjusted to a new juvenile justice policy. Qualitative interviews demonstrated that while there was widespread agreement on the basic tenets of the reform, perceptions of the reform varied by confidence in workgroup membership. Further, the reform inherently increased the workload for some and decreased the workload for others. Those whose workload increased discussed subverting the reform effort in order to continue with business as usual. These findings demonstrated that effective policies must consider the needs of workgroups as adaptation of policies in actual practice depend upon workgroup members' support. 相似文献