全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1138篇 |
免费 | 36篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 45篇 |
工人农民 | 119篇 |
世界政治 | 88篇 |
外交国际关系 | 48篇 |
法律 | 536篇 |
中国政治 | 20篇 |
政治理论 | 300篇 |
综合类 | 18篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 7篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 18篇 |
2019年 | 22篇 |
2018年 | 35篇 |
2017年 | 32篇 |
2016年 | 35篇 |
2015年 | 23篇 |
2014年 | 34篇 |
2013年 | 152篇 |
2012年 | 48篇 |
2011年 | 35篇 |
2010年 | 29篇 |
2009年 | 19篇 |
2008年 | 44篇 |
2007年 | 42篇 |
2006年 | 42篇 |
2005年 | 53篇 |
2004年 | 49篇 |
2003年 | 42篇 |
2002年 | 40篇 |
2001年 | 27篇 |
2000年 | 31篇 |
1999年 | 17篇 |
1998年 | 18篇 |
1997年 | 10篇 |
1996年 | 7篇 |
1995年 | 14篇 |
1994年 | 17篇 |
1993年 | 15篇 |
1992年 | 16篇 |
1991年 | 17篇 |
1990年 | 15篇 |
1989年 | 10篇 |
1988年 | 21篇 |
1987年 | 15篇 |
1986年 | 14篇 |
1985年 | 10篇 |
1984年 | 9篇 |
1983年 | 8篇 |
1982年 | 11篇 |
1981年 | 6篇 |
1980年 | 9篇 |
1979年 | 9篇 |
1978年 | 8篇 |
1977年 | 5篇 |
1976年 | 4篇 |
1975年 | 9篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有1174条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
41.
42.
Kazakhstan is home to the longest serving ruler in post-Soviet Eurasia while Kyrgyzstan is among the region’s most competitive polities. Do these regime differences correspond to divergence in political attitudes, as an extensive body of literature posits? Are Kyrgyzstanis more likely to strongly support democratic ideals? Are Kazakhstanis less likely? Contrary to expectations, data reveal the two populations to be attitudinally indistinguishable when it comes to strong support for practices associated with democracy. Whatever country differences we find are minor or statistically insignificant. We explain this convergence by shifting focus away from the political features that distinguish the two nascent democracy versus consolidated authoritarianism to those that they hold in common. Notwithstanding major constitutional reform in Kyrgyzstan in 2010, politics there, as in Kazakhstan, remains fundamentally patronal, or patronage- based. Mass attitudes, we argue, align in many ways with the countries’ shared patronal politics, rather than with their contrasting regime types. 相似文献
43.
Do parties change their platform in anticipation of electoral losses? Or do parties respond to experienced losses at the previous election? These questions relate to two mechanisms to align public opinion with party platforms: (1) rational anticipation, and (2) electoral performance. While extant work empirically tested, and found support for, the latter mechanism, the effect of rational anticipation has not been put to an empirical test yet. We contribute to the literature on party platform change by theorizing and assessing how party performance motivates parties to change their platform in-between elections. We built a new and unique dataset of >20,000 press releases issued by 15 Dutch national political parties that were in parliament between 1997 and 2014. Utilizing automated text analysis (topic modeling) to measure parties’ platform change, we show that electoral defeat motivates party platform change in-between elections. In line with existing findings, we demonstrate that parties are backward-looking. 相似文献
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
This article analyzes how the idea of “innovationism” in Sweden has generated a new kind of idea-driven policy around the creation of innovative regional policy. In contrast to similar policies in this area, this policy does not manifest itself through traditional instruments, but evolves through symbolic and ritual performances, in particular through events and conferences. The article asks how this emerging idea has changed the existing institutional formation of sponsoring industrially relevant research. The vision of concerted action between decision-makers within modern innovationism reinforces territorial identity, but it also tends to devolve responsibility to the regional level since concerted action on the national level is hard to obtain. What emerges is a system of governing at a distance where different actors perform their roles according to often academic ideas of innovationism. The study is based on two qualitative studies in Sweden entailing both documentary sources and semi-structured interviews. 相似文献
49.
50.
Kim F. Hall 《Women & Performance》2013,23(2):169-180
This essay examines the competing readings of food refusal that emerged from a student hunger strike held at Columbia University in fall 2007. The invisibility of the act of food refusal forces hunger strikers to adopt performance strategies that make their (non)action visible as protest. To make the politics of their food refusal legible, advocates for the hunger strike promoted their actions as part of a 40 year tradition of student protest. However, that same invisibility allowed the protest's detractors to deride the hunger strikers as anorexic. At the center of the protest and the commentary about it was a wasting female body that confused for spectators the line between the political and the pathological. Attention to this body raises questions of how community is created and disciplined through performative acts, how easily female protest is evacuated of political meaning and the uneasy role of whiteness in popular attention to anorexia. 相似文献