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731.
Outstanding studies in the past decade have illuminated the sources of ineffective implementation and thus have suggested what not to do. To learn more about what to do, we analyzed a broad range of cases of effective implementation of youth employment programs in eight cities. The goal was to build an impressionistic model of the conditions contributing to flective implementation. We found that executives in the successful programs often acted as “fixers,” repairing the implementation process and protecting and correcting their programs, especially through coalition building and constant intervention in administrative detail. Some executives created patterns of interest convergence among the relevant actors, using incentives to turn mild interests into active support. They thus provided the public sector's missing “political hand,” analogous to the market's “invisible hand.” 相似文献
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Barbara Hinkson Craig 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1982,1(3):317-332
In the heat of Vietnam and Watergate, Congress sought to develop a more effective role in decisions about the use of the armed forces in combat or in potential combat situations. The War Powers Resolution passed in November 1973 was the solution Congress devised to this problem. But the War Powers Resolution has fallen well short of the hoped-for partnership; the most momentous issue to confront the nation-to wage war or not to wage war-still does not effectively engage Congress. Whether such a role is possible for Congress in a system that is built on checks and balances is quite uncertain. Some improvements over the present situation are proposed; but it remains evident that the power to make war will rest primarily in the office of the president. 相似文献
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738.
Following the Wik decision it is being suggested that Australia ought now to revisit the translation of special legal norms formulated in international law with respect to the human rights of indigenous citizens. These have previously underpinned developments in both Australia and Scandinavia with respect to indigenous people. Recent Australian developments, particularly the struggle over indigenous property rights, exemplify the argument of O'Neill (1997) in the first volume of Citizenship Studies, which points to the absorption of civic autonomy by market sovereignty. O'Neill is correct to suggest that the dominance of market sovereignty reduces the political participation of those incapable of the competitive struggle for private affluence and that this has a squalid dimension. Central to this is the denial of the notion of community and dominance of the market. This dominance has obscured the significance of the Australian High Court's recognition of aboriginal land rights in Mabo. The decision put the incorrect application of terra nullius—or no man's land—to Australia to rights. It made it possible for the nation to contemplate indigenous sovereignty consequent upon the recognition of native title property rights. Australia's translation of those rights with the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) looked to international law for its rationale. The rights of the Sami people have been developed in Scandinavia largely with reference to the evolution of international law on indigenous peoples. As we approach 2000, Australia cannot continue to ignore the special legal norms in international law relating to citizenship of indigenous peoples. International law informs attempts by indigenous people in modern times to regain some of what they lost in the past. 相似文献
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740.
Barbara Johnson 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1977,20(1):152-173
Abstract. This paper looks at some aspects of extended Canadian maritime jurisdiction. It explores the development and acceptance of the concept of the 200-mile economic zone at the United Nations Third Law of the Sea Conference. It considers the relationship between the multilateral negotiations on the 200-mile economic zone, and the 1977 200-mile fishing zone introduced by the Canadian government unilaterally, and concludes that extensive control over resource and non-resource issues will be extended over a 200-mile zone, but in a fragmented and piecemeal fashion. New political relationships and institutions will emerge in the zone of extended coastal jurisdiction. As well, new areas of conflict, both intra-national and international, will emerge. The political problems the Canadian government will face, such as allocating an expanded national fishery between its inshore and offshore sectors, are suggested. Finally, administrative and political structures that could help to ensure the good government of the new zone are described. This might include a House of Commons Standing Committee on Ocean Affairs, to provide an integrated rather than the present fragmented perspective on ocean matters; and provisions to provide representation for environmental and consumer groups as well as for existing special interest groups such as those connected with the oil and fishing industries. Sommaire. Cet article analyse quelques aspects de l'extension de la juridiction maritime du Canada. L'auteur y examine le développement du concept de la zone économique de deux cent milles marins à la Troisième Conférence du droit de la mer des Nations Unies. Il établit la relation entre les négotiations multilatérales de la zone économique de 200 milles et celles de la zone de pěche de 200 milles établie unilatéralement par le gouvernement du Canada en 1977. Il conclut qu'un contrǒle dans le domaine des ressources physiques, comme dans d'autres domaines, sera étendu à une zone dépassant 200 milles mais d'une manière partielle et progressive. De nouvelles relations politiques et institutions seront établies dans la zone soumise à la juridiction étendue. On peut également s'attendre à de nouveaux conflits domestiques et intemationaux. On mentionne des problèmes politiques qui se poseront au gouvernement canadien comme le partage entre les secteurs de pěche cǒtière et de pěche en haut mer. Enfin les structures administratives et politiques qui pourraient assurer un gouvernement efficace dans la nouvelle zone y sont décrites. Elles pourraient inclure une commission pennanente de la Chambre des Communes sur les affaires maritimes qui traiterait des problèmes maritimes dans une perspective intégrée au lieu de le faire, comme aujourd'hui, d'une façon fragmentaire. Il serait aussi nécessaire que soient représentés les groupes d'environementalistes et de consommateurs ainsi que ceux qui s'occupent, à l'heure actuelle, du pétrole et des industries de la pěche. 相似文献