全文获取类型
收费全文 | 580篇 |
免费 | 43篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 37篇 |
工人农民 | 30篇 |
世界政治 | 69篇 |
外交国际关系 | 58篇 |
法律 | 237篇 |
中国政治 | 11篇 |
政治理论 | 177篇 |
综合类 | 4篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 7篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 15篇 |
2020年 | 26篇 |
2019年 | 31篇 |
2018年 | 39篇 |
2017年 | 41篇 |
2016年 | 34篇 |
2015年 | 26篇 |
2014年 | 29篇 |
2013年 | 96篇 |
2012年 | 25篇 |
2011年 | 20篇 |
2010年 | 13篇 |
2009年 | 13篇 |
2008年 | 20篇 |
2007年 | 25篇 |
2006年 | 15篇 |
2005年 | 14篇 |
2004年 | 18篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 13篇 |
2001年 | 5篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 5篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 3篇 |
1983年 | 6篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 4篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
1971年 | 3篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有623条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
291.
Benjamin Zyla 《European Security》2013,22(4):515-535
ABSTRACTCurrent studies on NATO burden sharing are only able to show some weak statistical trends between selective variables; they are unable to explain and show why this trend exists and why it occurred at particular times (or not). This is due to the dominant deductive and hypothesis testing research designs that prevent researchers to produce richer causal explanations or intersubjective understandings of how states, for example, construct and assign meaning to burdens or what forms of social representation, values, norms and ideals influence the making of (national) burden sharing decisions. Thus, we charge, the literature needs to adopt an eclecticist approach to studying NATO burden sharing – that is to combine rationalist with sociological approaches and methodologies highlighting the importance of intersubjective meanings and the role of social forces, norms, beliefs, and values. The article lays out what such a research programme might look like and how one could operationalise it. 相似文献
292.
Political discussion research often focuses on general discussion without analyzing interesting subsets of interpersonal communication, such as political advocacy. Political advocacy is crucial to study because it is where citizens make clear statements of their beliefs when trying to influence others, which democratic theorists cite as valuable in spreading information in discussion networks. In this project, we test theoretically relevant determinants of political advocacy, focusing on campaign spending. Using multilevel logistic regression models of American National Election Study survey data from presidential elections between 1976 and 2008, we find that campaign spending correlates with an increase in the likelihood of advocating. We also find that the likelihood of being an advocate correlates with greater political discussion, television usage, interest in politics, partisanship, efficacy, and socioeconomic status. Additionally, we break these results down by party spending and party identification, and find differentiated results by party. Generally, these results show how the electoral environment shapes interpersonal communication. 相似文献
293.
294.
Acierno R Lawyer SR Rheingold A Kilpatrick DG Resnick HS Saunders BE 《Journal of interpersonal violence》2007,22(2):250-258
Older adult women age 55+ years (N = 549) were interviewed as part of a population-based epidemiological research study of lifetime experiences with physical and sexual assault and current mental health problems. Although overall rates of psychopathology were low, producing very small cells for comparison, women who reported experiencing physical assault an average of 28 years previously were more likely to present with past year substance abuse, depression, and avoidance and reexperiencing symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) than those with no previous physical or sexual assault. Women who reported experiencing sexual assault an average of 50 years previously were more likely to present with autonomic arousal and avoidance symptoms of PTSD than those with no prior sexual assault. The aforementioned findings should be considered with caution, however, as sample cell sizes were minimal for all but the PTSD symptom subtypes. Mental health service implications for older adults are discussed. 相似文献
295.
Recent decades have seen an acceleration in public concern about the allocation of increasingly scarce water supplies. There
are many reasons for this concern, such as growth in urban populations. In this article, we focus on how surface water’s special
qualities (the combination of spillovers, rent-seeking behavior, and common pool resources) complicate the assignment of property
rights in any legal framework. These characteristics make specific market structures necessary in order to efficiently allocate
rights. The state usually designs those structures. Yet, just like markets can fail, so can governments fail to effectively
allocate those rights. So designers often turn to quasi-judicial conservancy boards as a second-best solution. We argue that
those boards may themselves fail through a form of “corporation failure.” We address these three types of failures, and offer
an analysis of two cases that suggests that the likelihood conservancy boards will suffer from corporate failure depends on
the actions of the boards and outside stakeholders (like governments).
相似文献
Benjamin Y. ClarkEmail: |
296.
Linton PB 《Issues in law & medicine》2007,23(1):3-43
This article explores the legal status of abortion in the States if the Supreme Court overrules Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973), and Doe v. Bolton, 410 U.S. 179 (1973), as modified by Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833 (1992). Although an overruling decision eventually could have a significant effect on the legal status of abortion, the immediate impact of such a decision would be far more modest than most commentators-on both sides of the issue-believe. More than two-thirds of the States have repealed their pre-Roe laws or have amended those laws to conform to Roe v. Wade, which allows abortion for any reason before viability and for virtually any reason after viability. Pre-Roe laws that have been expressly repealed would not be revived by the overruling of Roe. Only three States that repealed their pre-Roe laws (or amended them to conform to Roe) have enacted post-Roe laws attempting to prohibit some or most abortions throughout pregnancy. Those laws have been declared unconstitutional by the federal courts and are not now enforceable. Of the less than one-third of the States that have retained their pre-Roe laws, most would be ineffective in prohibiting abortions. This is (1) because the laws, by their express terms or as interpreted, allow abortion on demand, for undefined health reasons or for a broad range of reasons (including mental health), or (2) because of state constitutional limitations. In yet other States, the pre-Roe laws prohibiting abortion may have been repealed by implication, due to the enactment of comprehensive post-Roe laws regulating abortion. In sum, no more than twelve States, and possibly as few as eight, would have enforceable laws on the books that would prohibit most abortions in the event Roe, Doe and Casey are overruled. In the other States (and the District of Columbia) abortion would be legal for most or all reasons throughout pregnancy. Although the long-term impact of reversing Roe could be quite dramatic, the author concludes that the immediate impact of such a decision would be very limited. This article is current through May 1st, 2007. 相似文献
297.
298.
299.
300.
Benjamin Highton 《Political Behavior》2000,22(2):109-120
This article investigates why Americans who move have lower voter turnout than those who stay put. Two hypotheses are drawn from the political science literature. One emphasizes the need to register at one's new address in order to vote. The other locates the cause of lower turnout in the disruption of social connections that results from moving. By distinguishing those who change residences within their communities from those who move outside of their communities, I test the hypotheses. The findings show that both types of moves affect turnout. However, changing residences appears to be more important than changing communitites. Thus it appears that the explanation for the relationship between moving and turnout derives more from the need to register after moving than the disruption of social ties. 相似文献