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The comparative study of the development of state constitutionalprovisions concerning executive power, within the frameworkof diffusion theory, has value for a general understanding ofexecutive authority in contemporary America. American chiefexecutive offices were designed with a complex package of powersand limits, all viewed by their creators as mutually contingentand in delicate balance. Since the creation of each executiveoffice, constitutional development has evidenced a "decouplingeffect," that is, in different eras, discrete powers and limits,considered individually, were altered in response to unfoldingevents and changing ideological premises, generally with theeffect of enhancing executive power. This pattern is evidentin the development of the current norm in constitutional provisionsregarding tenure and tenure limitation, the four-year term andthe two-term limit. In this development, there has been evidenceof mutual influence between the states and the national governmentwith some evidence, too, of regional patterns of resistanceto change (in New England). Somewhat surprisingly for thosewhose study of executive power is limited to the Presidency,when a comparative approach is employed, the post-Civil Warperiod emerges as a crucial time of executive strengtheningin America. 相似文献
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This essay extends the theory of simple collective decision problems to spatial games in which (contrary to the traditional assumption) each agent's preferences are concave, in the sense that the alternatives that the agent does not prefer to any particular reference alternative together constitute a convex set. Such concave preferences might characterize decision problems in which, say, a site must be selected for some obnoxious facility, such as a prison, garbage dump, or facility for managing hazardous materials. The results indicate that, under these conditions, the (weak -)core can be structurally unstable, changing discontinuously with apparently minor perturbations of the decision problem. The main theorem identifies a curious property of the core when the set of feasible alternatives is compact and convex and each agent's preferences are strictly concave. Namely, a point in the feasible set's interior can belong to the core only if there is no feasible alternative that makes every member of any winning coalition strictly worse off. In this sense, an interior point belongs to the core only if it lies in the pits.A preliminary version of this essay was presented at the West Coast Conference on Small Groups Research, Stanford University, 17 April 1985, and the Experimental Social Choice Workshop, Utah State University, Logan, Utah, 20–21 June 1985. This material is based on work supported by grants from the National Science Foundation (Grants SES 83-12123 and SES 84-10094), the Real Estate Center and Department of Decision Sciences of The Wharton School, and the Research Fund of the University of Pennsylvania. 相似文献
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Benjamin Neimark 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(2):423-445
The following article contrasts contemporary rosy periwinkle (Catharanthus roseus) extraction in southern Madagascar with original bioprospecting research conducted 50 years ago. My study shows how plant extraction firms have shifted their approaches by creating new labor forms, which devolve risk and increase exploitation in attempts to capture the valuable biogenetic material needed for drug discovery. The periwinkle symbolizes a complex picture of many dynamic barriers to capitalist penetration at work, including the natural, social and political. Over time, these barriers change and act in conjunction to provide a complex commodity chain expressing many exploitative labor relations of green capitalism. 相似文献
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This article is an examination of the language of recent large-scale education reform in England, New Zealand, and the Canadian provinces of Alberta and Manitoba. In each jurisdiction, we review both the official documents and the parliamentary debate around a set of major educational reforms, looking at both the similarities and differences between jurisdictions and at the overall nature of official discourse. Although some similar rhetoric was used in all four settings, we conclude that the differences in justifications were more significant than the commonalities. Our analysis supports a view of official rhetoric as being primarily symbolic and intended to create or support particular definitions of problems and solutions, but also as shaped by the historical context, institutional structure, and political culture of each setting. 相似文献
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