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Abstract Via an analysis of the trans-ASEAN gas pipeline project (TAGP), in this article we argue for a reconceptualising of the regional dynamics of Southeast Asia and the forces shaping them. For this task, we propose an analytical framework based upon social conflict theory that delves within and beyond the state, and which places emphasis upon the roles of both material and ideological factors operating across time in the reordering of particular geographical spaces. The framework reveals that the tensions acting within and upon ASEAN and the TAGP influence regionalism in such a way that the gas pipeline project – much like other ‘regional’ projects – is unlikely to ever come close to fulfilling its brief of enhancing regional security and cohesion. What is more probable is that the project's form will continue to be conditioned by entrenched politico-economic realities and the influence of dominant ideologies – factors which have the capacity to exacerbate existing regional animosities and disparities. 相似文献
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Benjamin Van Rooij Gerald E. Fryxell Carlos Wing‐Hung Lo Wei Wang 《Regulation & Governance》2013,7(3):321-347
This paper examines how changes in governmental and social influences affect environmental enforcement in Guangzhou city, China, between 2000 and 2006. The paper finds that a form of “decentered regulation” has developed. Regulatory enforcement is no longer the sole affair of the government and the regulatory bureaucracy, but has been increasingly influenced by societal forces. The transformation over time shows the promises and limits of decentered regulation in Guangzhou's dynamic authoritarian setting. Analyzing a set of longitudinal survey data and qualitative interviews, the paper finds that by 2006, the rise of civil society and its increased support for protecting the environment had a double‐edged impact on the enforcement of environmental regulations. The paper demonstrates that on the one hand, by 2006, when government support for enforcement was low, societal forces developed an ability to counterbalance such lack of governmental support and positively influence enforcement. However, it also shows that when government support was high, a concurrent rise in societal support created a negative effect on enforcement. Thus too much societal support can become an enforcement burden. 相似文献
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Dennis J. Chute M.D. Kia Newman M.D. Robert J. Bready M.S. Eric D. Benjamin AEMT‐P 《Journal of forensic sciences》2017,62(5):1386-1388
Migrating bullets are rare sequelae of penetrating gunshot wounds. Such cases have been described in the neurosurgical literature because they can produce complications in the management of patients such as decline in neurologic status, delays in rehabilitation, and difficulties in bullet removal. In contrast, few postmortem reports have described this phenomenon. We report a case of a gunshot wound in which the projectile entered the left side of the head and traversed to the right frontal area as documented by CT scan on hospital admission. At autopsy, the bullet was noted to have migrated back to the left side of the head from where it was recovered. Medical examiners need to be aware of this unusual phenomenon of retained intracranial projectiles. 相似文献
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Molly E. Bauer Cesi Cruz Benjamin A. T. Graham 《The Review of International Organizations》2012,7(1):33-58
Conditional lending by the IMF is predicated, in part, on the belief that IMF programs are associated with increased capital
inflows to participating countries. This belief is generally consistent with theoretical arguments in the academic literature
(e.g., Bird and Rowlands 1997; Bordo et al. 2004) but the empirical literature often finds otherwise (e.g., Jensen 2004). This paper argues that the effect of IMF agreements on a country’s access to foreign direct investment (FDI) depends on
its domestic institutions. Access to FDI depends on a country’s ability to credibly commit to implementation, and this ability
varies systematically across regime type. The theory is empirically tested using a treatment effects model with a Markov transition
in the treatment equation in a dataset covering 142 countries from 1976 to 2006. We find that in democracies IMF program participation
has a strong positive effect on FDI inflows and in autocracies participation has a weak negative effect. 相似文献