全文获取类型
收费全文 | 179篇 |
免费 | 6篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 9篇 |
工人农民 | 8篇 |
世界政治 | 12篇 |
外交国际关系 | 9篇 |
法律 | 69篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 74篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 1篇 |
2019年 | 5篇 |
2018年 | 4篇 |
2017年 | 4篇 |
2016年 | 5篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 5篇 |
2013年 | 30篇 |
2012年 | 8篇 |
2011年 | 5篇 |
2010年 | 5篇 |
2009年 | 5篇 |
2008年 | 3篇 |
2007年 | 2篇 |
2006年 | 9篇 |
2005年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 4篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 5篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 4篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1975年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 2篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1971年 | 1篇 |
1969年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 6篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有185条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
111.
A Leifer Y Avissar S Berger H Wax Y Donchin J Almog 《Journal of forensic sciences》2001,46(6):1442-1446
Pyridyldiphenyl triazine (PDT) and three of its analogues were compared as practical reagents for visualizing unseen impressions left on the hands of a person who has held a firearm. The parent compound, PDT, gave the best results using intensity and clarity as measuring criteria. The effectiveness of the PDT reaction was then studied on 147 volunteers who had held firearms in their hands. Identifiable impressions of the metallic parts of the weapons were developed on the hands of 103 volunteers (70%). Results with females were slightly higher than with males, however, the difference was possibly statistically insignificant, and needs further study. Ferroprint and Ferrotrace, 5 commercial preparations that are based on the PDT reaction, have become a part of the professional equipment of every crime scene technician in Israel. 相似文献
112.
113.
Arthur Asa Berger 《Society》2012,49(4):317-322
This paper begins with a famous comment by Virginia Wolfe about the world changing ??on or about December, 1910?? when, she argued, modernist thought became dominant and changed human relations. My paper suggests that postmodernism begins in the Sixties, offers a definition of postmodernism taken from the French scholar, Jean-Francois Lyotard, and contrasts modernism with postmodernism. It offers an analysis of Disneyland as a postmodern entertainment and concludes with a discussion of whether postmodernism is now passé and has been succeeded by something else??namely post-postmodernism. 相似文献
114.
115.
Sociology: A disinvitation? 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Peter L. Berger 《Society》1993,30(1):12-18
Among his many books are An Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective; The Capitalist Revolution: Fifty Propositions about Property, Equality,
and Liberty; Pyramids of Sacrifice: Political Ethics and Change; Religion in Revolutionary Society; Sacred Canopy: Elements
of a Sociological Theory of Religion;and In Search of an East Asian Development Model (the latter was published by Transaction). 相似文献
116.
117.
118.
119.
本文认为,东亚当前出现"大战不犯,小乱不断"状况的根源在于新旧嬗变中的地区秩序远未就域内各国的政治安排形成制度化设计,在于东亚地区秩序的"有气无力"。历史上,东亚地区秩序曾经历了天朝礼治秩序、条约秩序和冷战下"自主"秩序三种形态。依据历史脉络的梳理,本文认为有美国、中国、日本等七个要素影响着东亚地区秩序。为明确这些要素的特征及相互作用,本文提出了反映国家和国家关系总体形态的"锥体"模型。美国是影响东亚地区秩序的决定性变量,利用"锥体"模型,本文认为,美国现实主义的热情与贪婪,地缘战略的坚持与冷静,相互依赖的推动与困惑等特征共同勾画着东亚战略。中国的复兴是影响东亚地区秩序的突出变量,其显著特征在于整体性的成长。日本"正常化"是影响东亚地区秩序的另一主要变量,其特征在于日本自身的"二重性"。朝鲜半岛、台湾、东南亚由于其关键性和不稳定性而成为东亚地区秩序的缝合口。此外,俄罗斯要素也不可或缺。在美国要素与中国、日本等要素的复杂互动中,中美关系是东亚地区秩序的主轴,作为其中一方的中国,如何把握自身不断增长的力量至关重要。 相似文献
120.
One noteworthy feature of the political crisis in Indonesia, which followed the Asian financial crisis of 1997 was the speed with which the collapse of the Suharto government was subsumed by a wider crisis of the Indonesian nation-state. One aspect of this crisis is the strengthening of secessionist movements in several regions of Indonesia, calling into question the country's national boundaries, themselves a legacy of the Dutch colonial era. This article examines the tensions in the nation-building efforts of the Indonesian state by focusing on the three territories where secessionist movements have been strongest: East Timor, which has already successfully broken away from Indonesia, and Irian Jaya and Aceh, where long-standing secessionist movements experienced significant growth in the aftermath of the resignation of President Suharto on 21 May 1998. Our analysis emphasises that these secessionist movements arose in direct response to the ways in which the Indonesian state, especially during the Suharto period, went about the tasks of nation-building. In particular, each movement was to a large degree fuelled by brutal and indiscriminate state violence. At the same time, each has been greatly affected by global trends of decolonisation, the Cold War and its aftermath. The distinct timing and manner of each territory's incorporation into the Indonesian nation-state has had a profound influence on the character of, and appeals made by, each movement, as well as on their prospects for gaining support from the wider international system. 相似文献