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AbstractHow extensively local politicians use online media to communicate with others and the factors that influence their online activities have rarely been examined. In particular, it is unknown whether local politicians use online media more extensively when they believe that online media has a strong political influence on others. To examine this, a standardised survey among German local politicians was conducted (n = 608). The results showed the following: The stronger the politicians perceive the influence of facebook and Twitter on journalists to be, the more extensively they spread information via these social media networks. However, the presumed influences on the public or on other politicians do not affect those online activities. Thus, local politicians apparently do not pursue a disintermediation strategy – they do not try to bypass journalism by directly addressing the public. Rather, journalists seem to be an important target group for local politicians’ online communication efforts. 相似文献
44.
This paper compares the innovative performance of foreign-owned and domestically owned enterprises in five European countries.
We look at innovation inputs, outputs, and examine how strong foreign-owned enterprises are embedded in the innovations systems
of their host countries. We find that foreign ownership is associated with similar levels of innovation input, but higher
levels of innovation output and higher labour productivity compared to domestic ownership. In four of the five countries,
affiliates of foreign multinationals show a similar or even a higher propensity to co-operate with domestic partners than
domestically owned enterprises.
相似文献
Bernhard DachsEmail: |
45.
Kenneth W. Abbott Philipp Genschel Duncan Snidal Bernhard Zangl 《Regulation & Governance》2021,15(Z1):S83-S101
Regulators and other governors rely on intermediaries to set and implement policies and to regulate targets. Existing literatures focus heavily on intermediaries of a single type – Opportunists, motivated solely by self-interest. But intermediaries can also be motivated by different types of loyalty: to leaders (Vassals), to policies (Zealots), or to institutions (Mandarins). While all three types of loyalists are resistant to the traditional problems of opportunism (slacking and capture), each brings pathologies of its own. We explain the behavioral logic of each type of loyalty and analyze the risks and rewards of different intermediary loyalties – both for governors and for the public interest. We illustrate our claims with examples drawn from many different realms of regulation and governance. 相似文献
46.
Rechtsanwalt und Notar Prof. Dr. Bernhard Stüer Münster/Osnabrück und Rechtsanwältin Dr. Eva Stüer Münster/Osnabrück 《Natur und Recht》2004,26(6):341-348
Durch das Europarechtsanpassungsgesetz (EAG Bau)
werden die planerischen Steuerungsmöglichkeiten von Außenbereichsvorhaben unter Übernahme des Darstellungsprivilegs in § 35 Abs. 3 S. 3 BauGB um einen Teilflächennutzungsplan (§ 5 Abs. 2b BauGB) und Zurückstellungsmöglichkeiten (§ 15 Abs. 3 BauGB) ergänzt. Der Beitrag stellt die gesetzlichen Neuregelungen vor und behandelt die Frage, welche Verbindlichkeit die planerischen Ausweisungen für die Betroffenen haben und ob die Flächennutzungspläne und Raumordnungspläne (Gebietsentwicklungspläne) damit zu unmittelbar geltenden Rechtsnormen werden. Zugleich wird über die Rechtsprechung zu Windkraftanlagen berichtet.
*) Bernhard Stüer lehrt an den Universitäten Münster und Osnabrück das Öffentliche Baurecht, Fachplanungsrecht, Raumordnungsrecht, Umweltrecht und Kommunalrecht und ist Richter im Nebenamt am Anwaltsgerichtshof des Landes NRW. Eva Stüer ist in anwaltlicher Beratung und Prozessvertretung mit Fragen der planungsrechtlichen Zulässigkeit von Außenbereichsvorhaben befasst, vgl. auch die Schrift der Verfasserin Außenbereichsbebauung: Entwicklung und geltendes Recht (§ 35 BauGB 1998), Beiträge zum Siedlungs- und Wohnungswesen und zur Raumplanung, Bd. 177, Münster 1997.
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47.
We argue that bill cosponsorship in Congress represents an institutional arrangement that provides credibility to commitments of support. We predict that if cosponsorship fosters legislative deals, MCs will only rarely back out on their pledges to support a bill if it comes up for a floor vote, and when they do, these choices will reflect strategic calculations. Further, legislators who violate their cosponsorship agreements will face punishment from colleagues, compromising their ability to gain support for their own bills. We explore the causes and effects of MCs' choices to renege on a pledge by voting no on a bill for which they were a cosponsor, focusing on all cosponsorship decisions in the 101st–108th Houses. The results reveal that patterns of reneging and its consequences are consistent with the idea that cosponsorship functions as a commitment mechanism. 相似文献
48.
Ronald Kramer 《Critical Criminology》2012,20(3):229-248
This article seeks to uncover the reasons for acceptance of the “broken windows” hypothesis amongst New York City’s political elite. Previous critical approaches have generally sought to challenge broken windows by showing that it is empirically suspect. While such approaches are indispensable, they tend to avoid addressing the problem of why, despite its lack of empirical support, political elites continually endorse the broken windows hypothesis as if it were an indisputable, scientifically established truth. In order to address this problem and extend the critical literature, I utilize an interpretive approach based on political memos, press releases, and other political documents from the Giuliani and Bloomberg administrations. Through an analysis of the official response to graffiti, unruly individuals and noise, I argue that broken windows is embraced by political elites insofar as it serves the interests of growth machines, which essentially seek to commodify and exploit urban spaces. 相似文献
49.
Matthew H. Kramer 《Ratio juris》2012,25(4):472-495
During the past few decades, Michael Moore has written incisively on an array of matters concerning the relationships between law and morality. While reflecting on those relationships, he has plumbed the nature of morality itself in impressive depth. Among the topics which he has addressed, the problem of torture has been prominent and controversial. It is a problem, moreover, that has led to some of his most searching enquiries into the character of moral obligations. In the present essay I take issue not only with many of Moore's conclusions about torture, but also with some of his more far‐reaching claims about the domain of morality. 相似文献
50.
Bernhard Stöberl 《Juristische Bl?tter》2012,134(6):399-400
Ein Beamter hat kein subjektives Recht auf tats?chliche Erbringung der ihm an seinem Arbeitsplatz zugewiesenen Aufgaben. Eine im Beamtenverh?ltnis stehende Chirurgin hat daher auch keinen Anspruch auf die Betrauung mit der Durchführung von Operationen. Das vom OGH entwickelte Recht auf Besch?ftigung leitet dieser aus allgemeinen Rechtsgrunds?tzen ab. Auf ?ffentlich-rechtliche Dienstverh?ltnisse ist dies nicht übertragbar. 相似文献