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161.
Le mot `souveraineté' procure un exemple fort del'effet sémiologique du langage,c'est-à-dire de son pouvoir social dans leprocessus continu et continuel de créationde la réalité humaine. Le textepropose d'examiner ce signe linguistique àl'époque de son introduction par Bodin, au16ième siècle, mettant en lumièreson impact social sur la conscience commune del'humanité, et ce, en adoptant une approchequi s'inspire de la déconstruction deDerrida. Ainsi, tout en considérantl'oeuvre dans son contexte immédiat etélargi, une analyse déconstructionistede Six Livres de la Republiquedémontre que, au moyen du mot`souveraineté,' Bodin voulait placer le Roide France au sommet d'une structurehiérarchique de pouvoir unique. Cetteidée de pyramide d'autorité ressortclairement du discours dans lequel se trouve lesigne linguistique, qui met en jeu l'opposition``plus-haut-pouvoir-unifié' versus``pouvoir-décentralisé-subordonné.' Depuis ce temps, le mot `souveraineté' n'acessé d'avoir un pouvoir sémiologiqueconsidérable sur la conscience commune dessociétés, incluant évidemment cellede la société internationale.  相似文献   
162.
In a typical laboratory “Investment Game” experiment, participants’ endowments are provided by the experimenter; thus, the worst case for the investor is that she loses all of her “found” money. By contrast, in naturally occurring environments, investment decisions can often lead to a loss of one’s own money. This paper investigates whether “trust” found in one-shot anonymous laboratory interaction is robust to “own money” environments. Our results show that, consistent with previous investment game results, most investors send a positive amount, and most trustees return at least the transfer amount, regardless of whether the investors purchase or are gifted their endowment. However, investments are on average lower when participants use their own money, and the fraction of maximum investments (the most “risky” investment decision) is only half as large under “own money” as it is under gifted endowments. Our results explain why one should exercise caution in placing trust in any government’s ability to spend other people’s money prudently.  相似文献   
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Forced labour has been regulated since 1930 on the basis of the ILO Convention on Forced Labour, and since 1957 on the basis of the ILO Abolition of Forced Labour Convention. In 2000 forced labour was included as one form of exploitation covered by the UN Trafficking Protocol, which situated trafficking into a context of transnational organised crime. In 2014 the ILO adopted a Protocol on Forced Labour, making a link between trafficking and forced labour. The aim of this article is to explore how forced labour came to be regulated and defined in these four treaties. The 1930 ILO Convention came about in a specific historical and political context, yet the 1930 definition remains in use even though the interpretation of forced labour, particularly as it relates to trafficking, has changed. This article focuses on the issue of trafficking for the purpose of forced labour within the context of migration and labour exploitation, and discusses the relevance of historical definitions of forced labour in the current discourse that sees human trafficking mainly as a security threat. It argues that a rigid interpretation of forced labour is not always useful in understanding forms of labour exploitation, at least in a contemporary European migratory perspective. The article calls for a broad interpretation of forced labour, which takes into account also subtle forms of control and coercion.  相似文献   
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Legislators are thought to delegate policymaking authority to administrative actors either to avoid blame for controversial policy or to secure policy outcomes. This study tests these competing perspectives and establishes that public attention to policymaking is a powerful predictor of the extent to which significant United States statutes delegate authority to the executive branch. Consistent with the policy‐concerns perspective, by one calculation statutes dealing with high‐attention issues entail 48 percent fewer delegating provisions than statutes dealing with low‐attention issues – a far stronger relationship than is typically found in the delegation literature. As per the blame‐avoidance perspective, a number of additional analyses yield results consistent with the notion that fears about future public attention motivate statutory delegation if legislative conflict is sufficiently great. Overall, however, the results suggest that conflict typically is not sufficiently great and that legislators are generally more inclined to limit statutory delegation when the public is paying attention.  相似文献   
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Keine Zusammenfassung  相似文献   
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GC-subtyping was carried out on blood stains, that had been made on glass and stored under room temperature-conditions. Using isoelectric focusing in polyacrylamide gel, followed by transfer to nitrocellulose membrane by semi-dry-electroblotting and detection with enzyme-linked antibody complex the GC-detection was possible even after 64 days. Methodical problems are discussed.  相似文献   
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