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Beth A. Caillouet Cary D. Rostow Robert D. Davis 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2004,19(2):49-52
Sixty-two police officers were administered the Personality Assessment Inventory (PAI) during employer referred psychological
Fitness for Duty Examinations (FFDEs). PAI scores were analyzed as a function of the length of time the officers had worked
within law enforcement occupations. PAI subtest scales ARD, ARD-P, ARD-T and DEP scores all produced significant positive
correlations between both the amount of time spent on the current police job and the total time served as a police officer
within a bivariate Pearsonr correlation matrix. Implications for an understanding of psychometric test results within the FFDE context and the evolution
of law enforcement officer personality patterns are discussed.
Author Note: At the time this research was done, Beth Caillouet was with Matrix, Inc. She is now a graduate student in psychology. Cary
Rostow, Ph.D., is a police psychologist and president of Matrix, Inc., and Robert Davis, Ph.D., is executive vice-president
and director of science, research, and development for Matrix, Inc., Baton Rouge, LA. 相似文献
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Although researchers have identified individual-level predictors of nonphysical bullying among children and youth, school-level predictors (i.e., characteristics of the school environment that influence bullying exposure) remain largely unstudied. Using data from a survey of 1,838 students in 21 Boston public high schools, we used multilevel modeling techniques to estimate the level of variation across schools in student reports of nonphysical bully victimization and identify school-level predictors of bullying. We found significant between school variation in youth reports of nonphysical bullying, with estimates ranging from 25-58%. We tested school-level indicators of academic performance, emotional well-being, and school safety. After controlling for individual-level covariates and demographic controls, the percent of students in the school who met with a mental health counselor was significantly associated with bullying (OR = 1.03, 95% CI = 1.01, 1.06). There was no significant association between school-level academic performance and perceptions of school safety on individual reports of bullying. Findings suggest that prevention and intervention programs may benefit from attending to the emotional well-being of students and support the importance of understanding the role of the school environment in shaping student experiences with bullying. 相似文献
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Lane Kirkland Gillespie M. Dwayne Smith Beth Bjerregaard Sondra J. Fogel 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2014,39(4):698-715
In spite of the ruling in Atkins v. Virginia (2002), concerns remain that individuals with mental illness and reduced capacity are eligible for the death penalty. When mental illness or reduced capacity is not enough to preclude death-eligibility, these factors are often discussed at the sentencing phase as mitigators. Mitigation remains an under-researched avenue in the sentencing literature, particularly when it comes to the influence of specific types of mitigation. The present study contributes to knowledge on mental health mitigation by examining five mitigators relevant to the mental health and capacity of defendants. Using data from 834 capital sentences in North Carolina, the influence of these proximate culpability mitigators on jury sentence recommendations is examined. Results indicate that acceptance of certain mental health mitigators reduces the probability of death, but acceptance of others is not significantly related to death recommendations. These findings and their implications are discussed. 相似文献
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Elizabeth A. Oldmixon Beth Rosenson Kenneth D. Wald 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(3):407-426
ABSTRACT This paper explores the contours of support for the state of Israel in the House of Representatives from 1997 to 2002. In an analysis of votes and cosponsorship decisions, we find that when Congress considers innocuous resolutions of support for Israel, support is consensual and nonpartisan. However, as the violence escalated between Israel and the Palestinians in the 106th and 107th Congresses (1999–2001), the House increasingly considered bills and resolutions that directly engaged the Palestinian issue and forced legislators to take a side in the ongoing conflict. This transformed the politics of support for Israel and increased the level of conflict among legislators. With that, new partisan, ideological, religious, and racial cleavages emerged. Democrats, liberals, and African Americans started to identify with the Palestinians—not Israel—as the oppressed group. At the same time, religious and ideological conservatives and Republicans started to identify with Israel as a just state under attack from lawless individuals considered to be outside the Judeo-Christian tradition. At least with regard to Israel, this suggests that the development of U.S. foreign policy, which is often characterized as an elite-driven pursuit of national interests, is heavily marked by domestic ethno-religious forces. 相似文献
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Peter Beattie 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2002,61(4):57-59
Federalism presented an attractive model for young Australia. Preserving the autonomy of colonies through the retention of state governments and the establishment of a bicameral Commonwealth parliament with a 'states' house' helped to counter the suspicion of central government. But as a system of government, federalism requires coordination and cooperation between the layers of government. In the history of Australia's federation there are examples that show times of strong cooperation and coordination between the states and the Commonwealth. However more and more, our federation does not enjoy cooperation or coordination on issues of vital importance to all Australians. I believe it is time to look at the way our system of federalism works. We require a mechanism to facilitate coordination and cooperation between the layers of government. 相似文献