From International Sanitary Conventions to Global Health Security: The New International Health Regulations

In May 2005, the World Health Organization adopted the new InternationalHealth Regulations (IHR), which constitute one of the most radicaland far-reaching changes to international law on public healthsince the beginning of international health co-operation inthe mid-nineteenth century. This article comprehensively analysesthe new IHR by examining the history of international law oninfectious disease control, the IHR revision process, the substantivechanges contained in the new IHR and concerns regarding thefuture of the new IHR. The article demonstrates why the newIHR constitute a seminal event in the relationship between internationallaw and public health and send messages about how human societiesshould govern their vulnerabilities to serious, acute diseaseevents in the twenty-first century.     

Reassessing the family-delinquency association: Do family type, family processes, and economic factors make a difference?

The present study drew on four competing theoretical perspectives to examine the relationship between family structure and juvenile delinquency. Using data from the Add Health Study, the authors examined nonserious and serious delinquent behavior across youth from different types of households and also considered how the association between family structure and delinquency might be conditioned by family processes and economic factors. Results from negative binomial regression analyses indicated that, in general, type of household was not a significant predictor of nonserious or serious delinquency. Rather, maternal attachment emerged as the most important determinant of delinquent behavior among youth from all family types. The results are discussed within the context of Hirschi's original interpretation of social control theory and future directions for research are suggested.     

Interpreting Nationalist Texts: a post-structuralist approach

This article critically appraises the narrative of nationalist resurgence in China in the 1990s that structures much of the secondary literature on Chinese politics since Tiananmen. Adopting a post-structuralist method, Chinese texts from the 1990s are treated as discursive rather than as expressions of a common consensus, emergent ideology or political movement. This makes it possible to bring out the disparate points of view concerning the desirability of nationalism for China and to understand the strategies that are being deployed by authors within the context of everyday Chinese politics. It also reveals the significance of the absence from both the primary and the secondary texts of any mention of the advocacy of nationalism by the political leadership. When this hidden discourse is taken into account, it becomes evident that many of the texts that have been taken as expressions of a nationalist revival are either not particularly interested in nationalism or are highly sceptical concerning its possibilities for solving the problems faced by the Chinese state. Particularly significant is the way in which many of the texts locate themselves in relation to the official discourse on nationalism by appropriating its themes in order to promote and legitimate a wide range of other discourses with which it can be bound up, ranging from democracy to authoritarianism.     

Governance without a state: Can it work?

In this article we explore how much state is necessary to make governance work. We begin by clarifying concepts of governance and the “shadow of hierarchy” and we follow this clarification with a brief overview of empirical findings on governance research in developed countries. We then discuss the dilemmas for governance in areas of limited statehood, where political institutions are too weak to hierarchically adopt and enforce collectively binding rules. While prospects for effective policymaking appear to be rather bleak in these areas, we argue that governance research has consistently overlooked the existence of functional equivalents to the shadow of hierarchy. We assert that governance with(out) government can work even in the absence of a strong shadow of hierarchy, we identify functional equivalents to the shadow of hierarchy, and we discuss to what extent they can help overcome issues of legitimacy and effectiveness in areas of limited statehood.     

提高科学化水平:党的建设的新命题新要求

党的建设科学化就是党的建设走上科学化轨道的状态与过程,十七届四中全会将党的建设科学化概括为树立科学理论、弘扬科学精神、掌握科学方法、完善科学制度、强化科学管理等几个方面。这是以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央在继强调党的执政能力建设和先进性建设之后向全党提出的又一重大任务和要求,具有历史必然性和现实必要性,是我们党一以贯之的追求,是科学发展观在党的建设方面的要求和体现,是进一步深化马克思主义政党执政规律认识和提高党的执政能力建设的结果,是应对世情国情和党情深刻变化的客观需要。切实提高党的建设科学化水平要以中国特色社会主义理论体系指导党的建设科学化,要以改革创新精神推进党的建设科学化,以群众路线的工作方法实现党的建设科学化,以高素质的干部队伍和基层党组织建设保证党的建设科学化。     

JUVENILITY AND PUNISHMENT: SENTENCING JUVENILES IN ADULT CRIMINAL COURT*

The study outlined in this article addressed a key limitation of prior research on the punishment of juveniles transferred to adult court by employing propensity score matching techniques to create more comparable samples of juvenile and young adult offenders. Using recent data from the Maryland State Commission on Criminal Sentencing Policy, it tested competing theoretical propositions about the salience of juvenile status in adult court. Findings indicate that even after rigorous statistical matching procedures, juvenile offenders are punished more severely than their young adult counterparts. We found no evidence that this “juvenile penalty” is exacerbated by an offender's race or gender, but it does vary starkly across offense type and mode of transfer, being driven primarily by drug crimes and discretionary waivers. The import of these findings is discussed as they relate to the future of juvenile justice policy regarding the continued use of juvenile transfer to adult court.     

行政法视野下的诱惑调查及其法律规制

行政诱惑调查活动广泛存在于公安、工商、城管等行政执法领域,但是立法上对此几无规定,在行政执法实践中引发了一些混乱和质疑。应该对行政诱惑调查理论和实践的价值属性,及其与行政法基本原则的自洽性和法理正当性进行分析,指出行政诱惑调查存在的问题和风险,提出法律规制建议。     

Reinvigorating publicly funded medicare in Ontario: new public policy and public administration techniques

Abstract: In the increasingly complex and “horizontal” environment of Canadian governmental decision‐making, the ability of governments to advance a major new policy initiative can be compromised or impeded by the often cumbersome systems evolved to ensure both due diligence and a comprehensive approach. In Ontario, the urgent and multi‐faceted health care reform agenda has been implemented using a new set of policy‐development and program‐implementation techniques. This paper summarizes those reforms. In doing so, it outlines the degree to which the reform agenda has been implemented using techniques and processes that have been grafted onto or even short circuited existing decision‐making systems. The paper also draws conclusions about the potential utility of the Ontario experience both for health care reform and for developing new mechanisms to implement challenging, time‐limited reform agendas within parliamentary systems of government with politically neutral civil services. Sommaire: Dans le contexte de plus en plus complexe et “horizontal” de la prise de décisions gouvernementale au Canada, l'aptitude des gouvernements à promouvoir une nouvelle initiative politique majeure peut être compromise ou entravée par la lourdeur des systèmes élaborés pour assurer une diligence raisonnable et une approche exhaustive. En Ontario, le programme de réforme des soins de santé, urgent et polyvalent, a été mis en œuvre grâce à un nouvel ensemble de techniques d‘élaboration de politiques et de mise en œuvre de programmes. Le présent article résume ces réformes. Ce faisant, il souligne comment le programme de réforme a été mis en œuvre grâce à des techniques et processus qui ont été greffés, ou qui ont même court‐circuité les systèmes de prise de décisions existants. L'article tire aussi des conclusions sur l'utilité possible de l'expérience de l'Ontario en ce qui concerne la réforme des soins de santé mais aussi la mise au point de nouveaux mécanismes pour exécuter des programmes de réforme difficiles, à délai déterminé, au sein de systèmes parlementaires de gouvernement avec des fonctions civiles politiquement neutres.