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Communist Party membership can generate labor market benefits in at least two ways. First, the Party may hand out direct benefits to favored groups in the form of higher earnings. Alternatively, the Party may function in much the same way as education in Western countries, screening workers for talent and motivation. We find very little evidence of earnings premiums to Party membership or to cadre status prior to Chinese market liberalization. With liberalization comes less emphasis on being “red” and a greater capacity to earn wages that reflect ability, both observed through schooling and identified by the Party. We find that Party premiums are inversely related to education. Modest premiums to cadre status appear in 1995.  相似文献   
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Public–private partnerships (PPPs) have become a prominent feature of contemporary public policy. Although research shows variation in the contractual configuration of partnerships, there is little evidence of how these shape service and workforce organization. Through comparative ethnographic research on two PPP health care providers in the English National Health Service, this article develops the idea that PPPs exhibit “tight” and “loose” arrangements that relate to “downstream” service and workforce management. It induces four empirically grounded mediating factors to describe this relationship. The first relates to the “dependence” between partners in terms of financing, strategy, and resource sharing; the second to the “strategic orientation” of leaders; the third to the composition of the “professional workforce”; and the fourth to the “management approach” to service and workforce organization. The article contributes to the research literature by exploring the contingencies in how PPPs are operationalized on the ground.  相似文献   
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As part of the validation of the AmpFlSTR Profiler Plus short tandem repeat (STR) system, under reduced polymerase chain reaction (PCR) volume conditions (i.e., 25 microL), a total of 275 casework samples were processed. Examples of profiles are presented along with amplification conditions to improve the odds of obtaining balanced and complete profiles for samples showing partial results or profiles with a descending slope. Data collected and used to develop our interpretation guidelines are included. From the mixture studies, full profiles were obtained for minor contributors, using 2 ng of DNA, with ratios of 10:1 or 1:20 and using 1 ng of DNA, with ratios of 10:1 and 1:8. The specificity of the Profiler Plus amplification reaction performed in 25 microL was examined and confirmed using a large spectrum of nonhuman DNAs. This report supports the use of the AmpFlSTR Profiler Plus STR system for casework DNA typing under reduced PCR volume conditions.  相似文献   
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This study explored the effects of marital conflict and family structure on the self-concepts of youth aged 8–12. Subjects were 16 mother-youth pairs from intact parent families (IP) and 17 mother-youth pairs from separated parent families (SP). Results revealed youth in families with low marital hostility and high marital affection had significantly more positive self-concepts. Analyses suggested differences between IP and SP groups may best be explained by differences in marital hostility. The authors discuss the effects of marital discord on parenting within an ecosystems perspective.This study received partial support from the Indiana University School of Nursing Alumni Association and Sigma Theta Tau, Alpha Chapter.Research interests: children's social networks, marital structure, and parenting.Research interests: chronic illness in children.  相似文献   
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This paper extends the median voter model to include risk aversion. An expected utility maximizing median voter with an aversion to risk may behave differently than a median voter who is certain. A referendum on income redistribution from the top of the distribution to the bottom which fails when the median voter is certain may pass in the extended median voter model. Economic inefficiencies and the net losses accompanying redistribution are shown to play a pivotal role in determining the behavior of the risk averse median voter. The model is illustrated using a one percent Demogrant redistribution. The major motive for government income transfers in the modern world, and in fact throughout history, is simply that the recipients of the money would like to get it and they have the political power ... to implement their desires. Gordon Tullock (1983: 2) Because political transfers seem to violate the standard Pareto norms, we have tended to opt out of any discussion and to say that nothing further can be constructed on the basis of individual evaluations. Once the franchise has been extended to all adults, and once the constitution has allowed income transfers to take place collectively, the formal act of transfer becomes fully predictable from positive economic analysis. The basic property right inheres in the voting franchise ... James M. Buchanan (1984: 187)  相似文献   
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This paper argues that public consultative procedures undertaken by governments or their public services sometimes go awry because of certain confusions as to the nature and purposes of consultation. One of the most important of these is a tendency to view consultation as an exercise in policy determination by the public rather than as public input into the representative democratic process whose ultimate use is to be defined by the elected decision-makers. The result of this confusion is a tendency to misunderstand or overestimate what public consultations can achieve, and a failure to make a distinction between occasions when such consultations are useful and occasions when they must give way to explicit political contest. Three levels of activity — the technical, the transactional and the political — are analytically distinguished along with the modes of action-response appropriate to each — in order to explain and clarify the nature of good consultative practice.  相似文献   
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