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While Norway claims coastal state jurisdiction and exclusive rights to the natural resources in the maritime zones adjacent to the Svalbard archipelago, other states have presented reservations and/or objections against the Norwegian claim through diplomatic correspondence. With this hitherto largely undisclosed diplomatic correspondence as a point of departure, this study addresses the dynamics of foreign policies toward this contested Arctic area. It explores the origins of foreign policies and policy change, and finds that new policies toward the area over the last decades have emerged in distinct epochs. Recurrently, new policies have followed changes in Norwegian legislation and enforcement practice or followed diplomatic efforts by Norway to muster international support.  相似文献   
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It is widely assumed that policy considerations are important when parties form government coalitions. But if this is so, and if coalitions are negotiated in multi-dimensional policy spaces with no majority parties, then a rapid turn-over of coalitions should be observed, cf. the chaos theorem. However, we rarely witness this. Here we analyse two of the most prominent theories that address this puzzle: Laver and Shepsle's portfolio allocation model; and Warwick's policy horizon hypothesis. We do not analyse the ‘usual suspects’ (i.e. national government formations in Europe), but present a new empirical testing ground: Danish local governments. We rely on Laver and Shepsle's Winset programme to identify ‘strong parties’ in the portfolio allocation model but develop a new measure of Warwick's policy horizons that better deals with problems of multi-dimensionality. In a conditional logit analysis of survey data from 3000 local councillors, we find support for the policy horizons model, but not for the portfolio allocation model.  相似文献   
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A gendered reading of the liberal peacebuilding and transitional justice project in Bosnia–Herzegovina raises critical questions concerning the quality of the peace one hopes to achieve in transitional societies. By focusing on three-gendered justice gaps—the accountability, acknowledgement, and reparations gaps—this article examines structural constraints for women to engage in shaping and implementing transitional justice, and unmasks transitional justice as a site for the long-term construction of the gendered post-conflict order. Thus, the gendered dynamics of peacebuilding and transitional justice have produced a post-conflict order characterized by gendered peace and justice gaps. Yet, we conclude that women are doing justice within the Bosnian–Herzegovina transitional justice project, and that their presence and participation is complex, multilayered, and constrained yet critical.  相似文献   
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Bergh  Andreas  Kärnä  Anders 《Public Choice》2021,189(1-2):51-70
Public Choice - Recent micro-level studies have suggested that globalization—in particular, economic globalization and trade with China—breeds political polarization and populism. This...  相似文献   
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This article reports a study of the possible impact of sociodemographic and interactional aspects of intimate partner violence (IPV) on help-seeking behavior. Do different sociodemographic groups of IPV survivors use different professional supports and treatments? Do different professional support and treatment agencies come predominantly in contact with women who have been subjected to different characteristics of IPV? Do different interactional IPV variables predict whether IPV victims contact the police, a family doctor, or a psychologist or psychiatrist? A representative sample of 157 women recruited from family counseling, the police, and shelters in Norway was interviewed. Three of seven sociodemographic variables showed statistically significant differences among the recruitment groups. No significant differences in characteristics of IPV were found among the recruitment groups. However, there were significant differences between the main categories (physical, psychological, and sexual) of IPV and interactional IPV factors concerning help-seeking. Our findings indicate that the help-seeking of IPV survivors is differentiated and interaction-specific and that they respond adequately to the different interactional consequences of IPV.  相似文献   
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Ahrens  Jörn 《Law and Critique》2004,15(1):65-78
The decoding of the human genome, aswell as current research on human stem cellsand early embryos, demands new legal andpolitical definitions of the human species.Both the act of limiting research on humanembryos, because they are themselves human, orthe act of permitting such research since theyare not human at all, entail a very newdefinition of the human species. Where politicsis confronted with the task of defining theessence and the anthropos of the human beingand of transforming this definition intolegitimated social actions, we must admit of anincrease in civil procedures. This debate isconstantly pushing at the borders of thedefinition of `humanness'; borders which bothlimit its definition and scope. The biosciencesnot only transgress such borders but alsosubstantially damage them; concerned subjectscannot proceed against such violations of theborders of `humanness'. The transposition of adistinct non-human life form into a human oneis endangering the human being as a distinctspecies. In this case, however, Carl Schmitt'stheory of politics, as an opposition to theenemy, becomes relevant to the human organismitself as it is challenged by the appearance ofnon-human forms of life within it.  相似文献   
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