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51.
Who governs in the international organizations (IOs) that promulgate global norms on trade and commercial law? Using a new analytic approach, this paper focuses on previously invisible attributes of a global legislature – the state and non‐state delegations and delegates that create universal norms for international trade and commercial law through the most prominent trade law legislature, the UN Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL). Based on ten years of fieldwork, extensive interviews, and unique data on delegation and delegate attendance and participation in UNCITRAL's Working Group on Insolvency, we find that the inner core of global trade lawmakers at UNCITRAL represent a tiny and unrepresentative subset of state and non‐state actors. This disjunction between UNCITRAL's public face, which accords with a global norm of democratic governance, and its private face, where dominant states and private interests prevail, raises fundamental questions about legitimacy and efficacy of representation in global lawmaking. 相似文献
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Recently, there has been considerable excitement about the economic potential of the “developmental network state”—decentralized
government policies that successfully accelerated growth in several high- and medium-income countries. The question remains
whether such a strategy could be successful in less-developed nations whose scientific and technological resources were relatively
limited. This paper analyzes the trajectory of Chile, a Southern country which, despite adverse conditions, managed to produce
something akin to an economic miracle during the last few decades. Our argument is that Chile’s success was based on the developmental
network state strategy. Moreover, we highlight the centrality to understanding the Chilean experience of the concept of “network
failures”—a common phenomenon that occurs when domestic production would be best served by network forms of organization but
for a variety of reasons, these networks either fail to materialize or fail to take hold (Schrank and Whitford 2011). Over and over again, we see that the logic behind the actions of the Chilean state was to provide resources that reduced
the likelihood of network failures. We examine three case studies of successful export sectors: salmon; wine; and fruit and
vegetables. The paper outlines some of the challenges faced by the Chilean model and assesses its long-term viability. 相似文献
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This work argues the U.S. War on Drugs is a misnomer. We suggest, instead, that it is secondary to traditional anti-Communist foreign policy concerns. Thus, the war on drugs serves to mask the U.S. counter-intelligence and paramilitary presence abroad.This paper in slightly different form was originally presented at the meeting of the Drug Policy Foundation, Washington, D.C., October 1988. 相似文献
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Morland LA Leskin GA Block CR Campbell JC Friedman MJ 《Journal of interpersonal violence》2008,23(5):652-669
Despite research documenting high rates of violence during pregnancy, few studies have examined the impact of physical abuse, psychological abuse, and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) on miscarriage. Secondary analysis of data collected by the Chicago Women's Health Risk Study permitted an exploration of the relationships among physical abuse, psychological abuse, PTSD, and miscarriage among 118 primarily ethnic minority women. The interaction between maximum severity of abuse and age provided the best multivariate predictor of miscarriage rate, accounting for 26.9% of the variance between live birth and miscarriage outcome. Mean scores of psychological abuse, physical violence, forced sex, and PTSD were significantly higher in the miscarriage group than in the live birth group. Women who experience physical violence and psychological abuse during pregnancy may be at greater risk for miscarriage. Prospective studies can confirm findings and determine underlying mechanisms. Routine screening for traumatic stress and PTSD may reduce rates of miscarriage. 相似文献
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