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31.
This paper examines the possibility that the United States could ‘capture’ the Asia‐Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and use it to impose America's economic agenda on the region. It discusses Washington's ability to shape the choices of APEC's East Asian members at APEC negotiations to reflect US interests through employing its military, economic, cultural, and ideological resources as instruments of leverage and influence. While interdependence constrains Washington's use of military and/or economic leverage to influence the choices of APEC's East Asian members, the complex bargaining and consensual decision‐making features of APEC further prevent Washington from imposing its agenda on APEC. On the other hand, Washington's capture of APEC could be facilitated if East Asian policy‐making elites were socialized through the APEC process to accept American norms. This would tend to lead to preference convergence since the values of both the US and East Asia would coincide. The analysis suggests, however, that American norms are unlikely to prevail within APEC in the near to medium term primarily because APEC's East Asian members consider East Asian norms to be superior. American culture and especially ideology are not sufficiently attractive to East Asian elites and are thus unable to be used as instruments of influence. For these reasons, the paper concludes that the United States will find it difficult to impose its economic agenda on the region through APEC.  相似文献   
32.
Using data from the Philippines, we study the impact of mobile phones on the prices agricultural producers receive for their cash crop. We first look at the impact on price of mobile phone ownership at the household level. Because this masks a considerable amount of heterogeneity, we then look at the impact on price of the intrahousehold allocation of mobile phones. We find that whether the household owns a mobile phone has no impact on price, but whether a farmer or spouse owns a mobile phone is associated with a 5- to 8-per cent increase in price.  相似文献   
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A decade after retrocession to China, Hong Kong still has limited democracy. Only half of the legislature is directly elected by the people, and the Chief Executive – the leader of Hong Kong government – is chosen by an election committee of 800 people, most of them loyal to Beijing. In December 2007, the Chinese Central Government announced that the direct election of the Chief Executive and the whole legislature may be implemented from 2017 and 2020, respectively. Still, in this paper it is suggested that real democracy in the foreseeable future is unlikely. This paper demonstrates the existence of a “power elite” of tightly knit business-state networks in Hong Kong society and argues that this constitutes a systemic barrier against further democratic development. Central to the discussion is an analysis of the formation and composition of the legislature and the relations to the elite-interlocks among influential organisations in society. Mainly based on 2006‐07 data, the Elite Database which is subject to network analyses is composed of 1531 individuals holding 1854 seats from 40 listed corporations, 27 government committees, 20 non-governmental organisations, and eight universities.  相似文献   
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Jae Ho Chung 《当代中国》2014,23(87):425-442
This article reconstructs an ideational trajectory in which China's views of the Korean–American alliance evolved during the last 60 years. The article first surveys China's general policy toward alliance and alliance-making. The article then traces the evolutionary path of Chinese views in the following four periods: (1) the Cold War era (1950s–1960s); (2) transformative years (early 1970s–mid-1990s); (3) the period of a strained alliance (late 1990s–late 2000s); and (4) an era of great reversal (late 2000s–present). Principally, the article suggests that China's view of the Korean–American alliance was intense antagonism during the Cold War era, although it was significantly watered down during the transformative years of Sino–South Korean rapprochement. With the normalization of relations between Beijing and Seoul in 1992 and a decade of progressive rule (1998–2007) in South Korea, China's view encompassed some wishful thinking about a gradually diluted alliance. The strong comeback of the conservatives in South Korean politics since 2008, however, shattered such optimism and re-awoke Beijing to some cold realities. China's view of the Korea–American alliance may grow more negative in tandem with US–China relations, irrespective of the official rhetoric of sovereignty regarding alliance and alliance-making.  相似文献   
37.
Allele frequencies of 10 STR loci in Koreans   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Allele frequencies for the 10 STR loci, D6S1043, D9S925, D7S821, D4S2368, D21S2055, GATA193A07, D12S391, D10S2326, D15S822 and D18S51 were obtained from a sample of 217-310 unrelated Koreans. In this study, 2 out of the 10 loci did not meet Hardy-Weinberg expectation. The combined probability of identity for 10 loci tested was 4.93 x 10(-14).  相似文献   
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自19世纪华人下南洋达到高峰后,一部分华人选择留在马来(西)亚世代繁衍扎根,构建了具有当地特色的华人社会与文化.华人迁移到马来亚之初,也把中华的传统文化移植到当地.除了华人移民,来自印度南部的印裔移民也迁移到马来亚,同样将他们的文化移植当地.华人迁移到马来亚后,必须面对当地原来的文化以及其他外来文化,并在各种因素如历史背景、政治立场、经济利益等的影响下,与各种不同的文化产生冲突与矛盾.经过长时间生活在多元族群和多元文化的社会之中,马来亚华人在文化认同上也会受到主流文化——马来文化的影响.华人一方面维护自身的民族文化,另一方面也吸收外来文化,以适应居住国的风土与文化.这样的文化融合与调适,在马来亚于1957年独立前后更成为华人社会的重要议题.马来亚华人的国家认同、文化身份和语言教育等,都决定了当时马来亚华人的未来.作为20世纪50年代活跃于马来亚文坛的马华作家,鲁白野以跨文化、跨族群和跨语言的文化书写,对马来亚当时的多元文化作出相应的思考与回应,继而对自身的华人文化观作出调适与转化,充分展现了他及当时马来亚华裔文人在文化认同上的开放性、包容性和融合性.  相似文献   
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International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique -  相似文献   
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