It is becoming increasingly clear that neoliberal ideological efforts to depoliticize politics have come to incorporate arguments once associated with radical communitarian, localist and existential critiques of capitalism. This article contributes to cross-disciplinary discussion of how and on what terms this process of assimilation has taken place. It first describes the rise of neocommunitarian politics and policy-making in the privatized electricity system of a “first-mover” neoliberal state, Australia. It then examines in detail a dispute over a proposed upgrade to a piece of electricity system infrastructure in a formerly industrial, working-class and immigrant, now post-industrial, bourgeois-bohemian and gentrified suburb of inner-Melbourne, Victoria. The study reveals a shift over time in the strategy of the protest group convened to resist the proposed upgrade. Originally using NIMBY-like arguments to oppose the upgrade, the group gradually transformed its strategy into a more general critique of privatization and marketization, and of the use of neocommunitarianism by state and market interests to promote economic growth. Generalizing from this case study, we suggest that such a transformation in protest strategy signals the possibility of a new culture of awareness that neocommunitarianism is little more than a response by states and markets to public rejection of free-market reforms. Moreover, the transformation of the protesters' strategy heralds the possibility of a renewal in critical thought and practice, one that is repoliticizing politics by challenging the marketizing and privatizing of public goods. 相似文献
How are citizenships and nationalisms constructed, connected, and contested in the post-9/11 USA – performatively, affectively, and visually – and how do their relationships figure ‘Americanness’? This article takes up this question (1) by tracking how Americanness was advertised in the American Ad Council's ‘I am an American’ campaign and (2) by introducing the multimedia project ‘I am an American’: Video Portraits of Unsafe US Citizens, which engages the Ad Council's campaign as a practice-based protest of the Ad Council's advertised ‘Americanness’. The article traces how the Ad Council's campaign advertises what Evelyn Alsultany calls ‘diversity patriotism’. It also constructs a complex, mobile system of differentiation that marks some citizens as ‘safe’ and others as ‘unsafe’, which runs counter to the idealized notion of a unified ‘Americanness’ that it advertises. The article then examines how the practice-based protest project ‘I am an American’ takes these ‘unsafe citizens’ – US citizens who either will not or cannot make their differences normatively conform to the national ideal of the ‘One’ composed of the ‘Many’ propagated by the Ad Council's campaign – as its point of departure to reflect upon how citizenship protests function for and against citizenship, nationalisms, and various figurations of Americanness. 相似文献
An unknown, viscous, opaque, white liquid with a strong, unpleasant odor was submitted with a request for identification. It was analyzed using infrared (IR) spectroscopy, gas chromatography–mass spectrometry, and X‐ray fluorescence spectroscopy. It was found to contain glycerin as well as another compound. IR and mass spectral data were readily obtained for this second component, but it was not easily identified as common instrument libraries had no matching spectra. After an extensive literature search, the unknown compound was identified as spiromesifen, a recently introduced pesticide. The IR spectrum and electron impact mass spectrum of spiromesifen are presented here as these are not available in the published literature. This case report also provides useful approaches for searching for and identifying an unknown compound when it is not found in a laboratory's spectral libraries. 相似文献
This paper provides a summary of our report for the National Academy of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine on proactive policing. We find that there is sufficient scientific evidence to support the adoption of many proactive policing practices if the primary goal is to reduce crime, though the evidence base generally does not provide long-term or jurisdictional estimates. In turn, we conclude that crime prevention outcomes can often be obtained without producing negative community reactions. However, the most effective proactive policing strategies do not appear to have strong positive impacts on citizen perceptions of the police. At the same time, some community-based strategies have begun to show evidence of improving the relations between the police and public. We conclude that there are likely to be large racial disparities in the volume and nature of police–citizen encounters when police target high-risk people or high-risk places, as is common in many proactive policing programs. We could not conclude whether such disparities are due to statistical prediction, racial animus, implicit bias, or other causes.
Using time out to interrupt escalating conflict is an important first step in treating couples and families where physical and emotional abuse is present. Since a time out failure can jeopardize further treatment, developing effective methods for using time out is a therapeutic priority. By interpreting the family's failed attempts as skill deficits, their efforts can be reframed to facilitate their acceptance of new time out methods. These methods are integrated into a model which outlines six hierarchical levels of supplemental control needed to inhibit destructive behavior. The model provides guidelines and establishes incentives for developing a time out strategy appropriate to the family's current level of control. It is designed to guide therapists in helping families strengthen their skills and choose an alternative time out strategy when an initial method fails. 相似文献
This research utilizes social context and personal characteristics as determinants of both perceptions and satisfaction with
safety in the local neighborhood. Using survey data obtained from residents of a small town, this analysis examines the impact
of satisfaction with the environment, victimization, and social integration on attitudes concerning safety. Consistent with
past research, results indicate that victimization and satisfaction with the local area are both significant predictors of
perceptions of safety. They also share a significant relationship with satisfaction with safety. Two indicators of social
integration yielded differing results. Participation in local organizations and associations played a more significant role
in attitudes concerning safety than did the number of friends a respondent has in the neighborhood. When controlling for personal
characteristics, participation in organizations was a more significant predictor of perceptions of safety than of satisfaction
with safety.
This project was funded by Midway College and a grant from the Association of American Colleges to the University of Louisville.
An earlier version of this research was presented to the American Sociological Association. The authors would like to acknowledge
the suggestions of Susan Bennett. 相似文献