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131.
Bonnie E. Browne 《Political Behavior》1983,5(2):225-245
This study examines and tests assumptions about the dimensionality of issue scales commonly used in attitude research. Researchers assume that a respondent designation of his or her position on an issue represents an ideal point on a single-peaked preference scale. However, in comparing actual respondent preference orderings with the liberal-conservative ordering assumed by the scale, it is found that many respondents do not conform to the assumption. Furthermore, in a sample of relatively well-educated respondents, those who do not conform to the dominant scaling dimension are found to be as interested in politics, as efficacious, and as predictable in their voting as those who do conform. However, nonconformists do appear to be somewhat more internally directed and more dogmatic than conformist respondents. 相似文献
132.
Bonnie N. Field 《Nationalism and Ethnic Politics》2015,21(1):121-141
This contribution examines party competition between the Catalan Convergence and Union (CiU) and the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV), two substate nationalist parties, and the statewide governing party based on the degree to which they ally in Spain's statewide parliament. It demonstrates that party competition during statewide minority governments is quite cooperative, though with variation, and statewide majority governments are associated with less cooperation. The weight of properiphery stances in the nationalist parties’ manifestos does not explain the patterns of party competition. In part, their behavior is associated with opportunities to influence policy and interparty competition in their respective regions. 相似文献
133.
Bonnie N. Field 《Democratization》2013,20(2):205-226
This article tests whether the mode of transition from authoritarian rule affects the competitiveness of inter-party politics in the post-transition democratic regime. It draws on a six-year study of the degree of cross-party collaboration in the legislative arena immediately following the Spanish (1976/77) transition by pact and the Argentine (1982/83) transition by collapse. The study finds that the nascent democracy in Spain experienced more collaborative inter-party politics than the new Argentine democracy, which is consistent with the democratization literature. After discussing the constitutional structure and gravity of economic crisis as alternative explanations of the degree of inter-party competitiveness, the study concludes that the mode of transition is an essential explanatory variable. It also identifies the causal mechanisms that may explain the link between the mode of transition and post-transition inter-party competitiveness, namely the opportunities for political learning, the patterns of political elite continuity and the military's role in the transition process. 相似文献
134.
Adolescence heralds a unique period of vulnerability to depressive symptoms. This longitudinal study examined relational victimization in adolescents?? peer relationships as a unique predictor of depressive symptoms among a primarily (85%) Caucasian sample of 540 youth (294 females) concurrently and across a 6-year period. The moderating effects of emotional support received from mothers, fathers, and peers on the association between relational victimization and adolescents?? depressive symptoms were also investigated. Findings revealed that adolescents who were relationally victimized consistently had higher depressive symptoms than their non-victimized peers. However, high levels of emotional support from fathers buffered this relationship over time. Emotional support from mothers and peers also moderated the longitudinal relationship between relational victimization and depressive symptoms, with high levels of support predicting increases in adolescents?? symptoms. Relational victimization presents a clear risk for depressive symptoms in adolescence, and emotional support may serve either a protective or vulnerability-enhancing role depending on the source of support. 相似文献