全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2771篇 |
免费 | 88篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 322篇 |
工人农民 | 49篇 |
世界政治 | 177篇 |
外交国际关系 | 172篇 |
法律 | 1563篇 |
中国共产党 | 7篇 |
中国政治 | 18篇 |
政治理论 | 538篇 |
综合类 | 13篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 14篇 |
2022年 | 16篇 |
2021年 | 31篇 |
2020年 | 61篇 |
2019年 | 62篇 |
2018年 | 146篇 |
2017年 | 131篇 |
2016年 | 147篇 |
2015年 | 118篇 |
2014年 | 87篇 |
2013年 | 307篇 |
2012年 | 92篇 |
2011年 | 93篇 |
2010年 | 84篇 |
2009年 | 111篇 |
2008年 | 139篇 |
2007年 | 184篇 |
2006年 | 182篇 |
2005年 | 86篇 |
2004年 | 92篇 |
2003年 | 78篇 |
2002年 | 90篇 |
2001年 | 62篇 |
2000年 | 64篇 |
1999年 | 41篇 |
1998年 | 27篇 |
1997年 | 24篇 |
1996年 | 15篇 |
1995年 | 16篇 |
1994年 | 12篇 |
1993年 | 9篇 |
1992年 | 23篇 |
1991年 | 19篇 |
1990年 | 15篇 |
1989年 | 13篇 |
1988年 | 11篇 |
1987年 | 13篇 |
1986年 | 12篇 |
1985年 | 18篇 |
1984年 | 7篇 |
1983年 | 14篇 |
1981年 | 14篇 |
1980年 | 7篇 |
1979年 | 11篇 |
1978年 | 9篇 |
1977年 | 6篇 |
1974年 | 5篇 |
1973年 | 5篇 |
1972年 | 5篇 |
1969年 | 5篇 |
排序方式: 共有2859条查询结果,搜索用时 203 毫秒
51.
Harsh Pant William Gould Simon Gillett Rosie Llewellyn-Jones Nicholas Thompson Michael Rutland 《亚洲事务》2013,44(3):410-417
For nearly a hundred years, to many foreigners “Peking” meant the foreign legation quarter and its colourful western inhabitants. The article gives details of the extraordinary life they led a stone's throw from the Emperor's palace in a city that remained virtually untouched by the modern world. After the Boxer Rising of 1900, the legation quarter became a Treaty Port with its own laws and administration. That status continued through the First World War and beyond. But just as the foreigners were at last beginning to value Peking's uniqueness, the end was in sight. Life changed a lot after the 1937 Japanese invasion of China and, for many, internment followed the attack on Pearl Harbour. But the end came when Treaty port status was abolished for good at the end of the War 相似文献
52.
53.
54.
Günter Bischof 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):61-80
Under Presidents Dwight Eisenhower and Lyndon Johnson, the United States refrained from intervening during the three major Cold War crises in the Soviet bloc in 1953, 1956, and 1968. The uprisings in the German Democratic Republic and Hungary came at a contentious stage of the Cold War. In 1968 East–West relations were again groping towards détente and, the Czechoslovak Communist Party unleashed an ambitious reform agenda under Alexander Dub?ek. On 20 August, a massive military invasion by Warsaw Pact forces squashed the reform spirit. All three challenges to Soviet control on the periphery of its Cold War empire followed power struggles in the Kremlin and intimations of a slackening of the reigns of control in Moscow. Eastern Europe was terra incognita for most Americans, and the United States had never pursued an active policy in Eastern Europe. All three crisis scenarios were overshadowed by crises in other parts of the world—part of larger arcs of crises the superpowers were confronting simultaneously. The three crises also coincided, domestically, with intense presidential election politics. Washington ultimately respected the Yalta arrangements and tolerated the Soviet sphere of influence in Eastern Europe. Next to grudging respect for the Yalta outcomes, the ultimate spectre of mutual destruction in a nuclear war “compelled” the superpowers towards co-existence and, ultimately, in 1989, the satellite states had to liberate themselves. 相似文献
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
Euroscepticism is associated with a new cleavage between the ‘losers’ and the ‘winners’ of globalisation. Current research also indicates that right-wing extremist, racist, and anti-democratic attitudes are more prevalent in lower status groups, particularly those struggling with societal change. These findings are combined with a unique data set covering both topics and thus add to the growing literature on Euroscepticism while also exploring the divide between the ‘losers’ and ‘winners’ of modernisation processes. The article introduces categories of occupational status groups, namely the ‘engaged’, the ‘skilled workers’, and the ‘legworkers’, which represent different levels of involvement in modernisation processes. It explores the differences in attitudes between these groups and how those differences correlate with citizens' professional status. It is concluded that perceived subjective alienation, which manifests in racist and anti-democratic attitudes, best explains EU-scepticism. 相似文献